Of course, the force of habit, the routine of a
comparatively " peaceful M and slow evolution, nationalist prejudices, the fear of abrupt breaks and disbelief
in them—all these played a secondary role in
strengthening opportunism and in leading "Socialists"
to effect a hypocritical and cowardly reconciliation with
it, presumably only for a time and only for special
reasons and on special occasions. The war changed
the shape of opportunism which had been reared in the
course of decades, raised it to a high rung and increased the number and variety of its shades. The war
brought fresh adherents to the ranks of opportunism,
and added to their arguments heaps of fresh sophisms;
it caused many new streams and rivulets to flow into
its main current, so to speak, but the main current
itself has not disappeared; on the contrary, it is more
apparent than ever.
Socialist Jingoism is opportunism which has become
so mature that the existence of this continued bourgeois
abcess within the Socialist parties has become
Men who do not wish to see the close and indissoluble bond which exists between Socialist Jingoism
and opportunism, clutch at individual cases and incidents, saying, for instance, that such and such an
opportunist has become an internationalist, or that
such and such a radical Socialist has become a Jingo.
But this is not a serious argument on the question of
the development of currents, (i) The economic basis of
Jingoism and opportunism in the Labour movement is
one and the same—it is the union of the tipper strata
Democracy After the War " (1915), praises the conduct of Social-Democracy, declaring that it must become a M pure Labour party " (p. 43), a
" national," a " German Labour party " (p. 45), without " international,
Utopian, or revolutionary ideas " (p. 44). The German imperialist, Sar-
tarius von Waltershausen, in his work on the investment of capital abroad
(1907), condemns the Social-Democrats for " ignoring national welfare "
(p. 438), which consists in the seizure of colonies, and praises the English
workers for their " grasp of realities," as is seen, for instance, in their
fight against immigration. The German diplomat, Ruedorfer, in his book
on the foundations of a world policy, underlines the generally known fact
that the internationalisation of capital in no way abolishes an intensified struggle of national capitalists for power, influence, for a " majority
ojf the shares " (p. 161), and remarks that this intensified struggle draws
the workers into it (p. 175). The book is dated October, 1913, and the
author speaks with complete clearness of the " interests of capital " (p.
157) being the cause of the wars of to-day, and of the fact that the
question of the " nationalist tendency " becomes an impediment to
Socialism (p. 176), and that the governments need not fear the internationalist demonstrations of Social-Democrats (p. 177), who are becoming more and more " nationalist " (pp. 103, 110, 176). He further says
that international Socialism will be victorious if it manages to free the
workers from the influence of nationalism—seeing that nothing caa be
tweeted by violence alone—and that it will suffer a defeat if the nationalist
teeling attains the upper hand (pp. 173-174).