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Fascism, its history and significance
Image 36
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W., L.. Fascism, its history and significance - Image 36. 1924. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. January 25, 2021. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4140.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L.. (1924). Fascism, its history and significance - Image 36. Socialist and Communist Pamphlets. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4140

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L., Fascism, its history and significance - Image 36, 1924, Socialist and Communist Pamphlets, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed January 25, 2021, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4140.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Compound Item Description
Title Fascism, its history and significance
Creator (Local)
  • W., L.
Publisher The Plebs
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • London, England
Date 1924
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Fascism
Subject.Name (Local)
  • W., L.
Genre (AAT)
  • pamphlets
Language English
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
Original Item Extent 38 pages; 24 cm
Original Item Location JC481.F3 1924
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304502~S5
Original Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections
Use and Reproduction In Copyright: This item is protected by copyright. Copyright to this resource is held by the creator or current rights holder, and the resource is provided here for educational purposes. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without permission of the copyright owner. Users assume full responsibility for any infringement of copyright or related rights.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Image 36
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name uhlib_25194896_035.jpg
Transcript T 34 FASCISM provides that they are controlled by their own officers and are not responsible either to the police or the military. The Italian movement has powerful/<«a in France, notably at Paris and Lyons. (Q Spanish Fascism is only in embryo. An organisation of volunteer police known as somaten has been developed with anti-proletarian objects and has attained to considerable power and numbers ; it is well armed and organised for attacks, both physical and propagandist, on the workers. Other elements favourable to Fascism are the re-actionary carlist royalists, the military officers, and the " free " unions, which latter fulfil the traditional role of yellow unions in time of strikes. The revolution of September, 1923, was purely military in character under the leadership of General Primo de Rivera. It appears to derive its support from the landed aristocracy and its opposition to Catalonian separatism (supported by industrial capitalism) differentiates it clearly from Italian Fascism in spite of the similarity of its methods. The English Fascist movement is commonly regarded as an object of laughter, and, so far as its pretensions to the scope of the Italian movement are concerned, correctly so. The economic and political conditions in England are not such as are likely to lead to the development of a powerful Fascist movement. The governing classes have other and better weapons to hand in the class war. The reformist trade union and labour leaders of this country will ensure the fundamental docility of the workers far more effectively than an amateur body of white guards. Unless a vital change takes place in the situation, the English Fascisti will remain only a glorified Boys' Brigade in normal times, and will take their share in strike-breaking when the occasion arises. If a genuine workers' government seemed likely to secure power, the governing classes would no doubt use every degree of force to combat it, but it is very unlikely that they would be so ill-prepared as to have to rely on the British Fascisti. The Fascisti to-day have not the organisation nor the intellectual capacity to constitute a serious peril to the proletariat, but their development will be carefully watched. They have some pretensions to secret " intelligence " and military work, but the loyalty and intelligence of their membership are so low that all these matters are common knowledge. The American ruling class has developed a powerful repressive machine to rule the workers, but it is hardly Fascist in character. Many large corporations have their private armed police, or " gunmen," to smash any serious movement among their employees, and these forces are always available for a more general political purpose if required. After the war, the Ku-Klux-Klan was revived to support the ideas of Hundred Per Cent. Americanism, political and religious orthodoxy, and the rest of the ideological paraphernalia necessary