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Fascism, its history and significance
Image 30
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W., L.. Fascism, its history and significance - Image 30. 1924. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. January 25, 2021. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4134.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L.. (1924). Fascism, its history and significance - Image 30. Socialist and Communist Pamphlets. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4134

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L., Fascism, its history and significance - Image 30, 1924, Socialist and Communist Pamphlets, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed January 25, 2021, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4134.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Compound Item Description
Title Fascism, its history and significance
Creator (Local)
  • W., L.
Publisher The Plebs
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • London, England
Date 1924
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Fascism
Subject.Name (Local)
  • W., L.
Genre (AAT)
  • pamphlets
Language English
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
Original Item Extent 38 pages; 24 cm
Original Item Location JC481.F3 1924
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304502~S5
Original Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections
Use and Reproduction In Copyright: This item is protected by copyright. Copyright to this resource is held by the creator or current rights holder, and the resource is provided here for educational purposes. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without permission of the copyright owner. Users assume full responsibility for any infringement of copyright or related rights.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Image 30
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name uhlib_25194896_029.jpg
Transcript 28 FASCISM December, 1921). With this change in the policy of his masters, Giolitti swung over to a modified support of Fascism. But he regarded it primarily as a stick with which to beat the workers. In fact, all groups of the bourgeoisie united in support of Fascism in so far as it was specifically anti-proletarian. All groups had a common interest in the re-establishment of law and order on a bourgeois basis and in subjecting the workers to wage reductions. For six months after the Fascist seizure of power this community of outlook sufficed to keep the bourgeoisie united in support of the new State. But it was impossible for this to last, and before long the inherent divisions made themselves apparent. The struggle in the bourgeois ranks revolved round two main issues—military preparations and the restoration of constitutional government. The former issue is a real one, the second, a mere veil to cover the crude reality of a struggle for power. The only section really concerned to foster a forward military policy is that of the heavy industrialists. These have a threefold need for military and naval preparations. In the first place, the manufacture of munitions means profits for themselves ; in the second place, they have to provide the weapons for their Militia in order to keep the opposition in forcible subjection ; and, third, they must pursue a firm foreign policy to establish Italian prestige abroad and to ensure markets for their exports. Meanwhile, the militarist policy of the Government is opposed by all other sections of the bourgeoisie, who see it primarily as a means to the economic and political aggrandisement of the heavy industrialists, and who, moreover, object to the indefinite postponement of national economic recovery which follows from continued expenditure on military preparations. An examination of Italian foreign policy since the Fascists have held power shews clearly their heavy-industrial bias. In regard to France, their policy has been to endeavour to secure ample supplies of Lorraine iron for their steel industry. As a bargaining weapon in their struggles for this, they have used the Franco-British-German quarrel over the Ruhr. If France will guarantee iron supplies, then Italy will support her Ruhr policy ; if not, then the Italians will turn to England and Germany. The imperialist necessity for markets demands an energetic colonial policy. The administration in Tripolitania, and other North African colonies has been tightened up ; frequent military operations against the natives have been undertaken, not always with complete success. The reverses recently experienced by the Italian troops have led to accusations against the rival imperialist Powers established ih North Africa, it being suggested, for instance, that the French are supplying arms to the natives. Jubaland has been added to the Italian sphere of