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Fascism, its history and significance
Image 29
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W., L.. Fascism, its history and significance - Image 29. 1924. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. January 26, 2021. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4133.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L.. (1924). Fascism, its history and significance - Image 29. Socialist and Communist Pamphlets. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4133

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L., Fascism, its history and significance - Image 29, 1924, Socialist and Communist Pamphlets, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed January 26, 2021, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4133.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Compound Item Description
Title Fascism, its history and significance
Creator (Local)
  • W., L.
Publisher The Plebs
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • London, England
Date 1924
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Fascism
Subject.Name (Local)
  • W., L.
Genre (AAT)
  • pamphlets
Language English
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
Original Item Extent 38 pages; 24 cm
Original Item Location JC481.F3 1924
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304502~S5
Original Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections
Use and Reproduction In Copyright: This item is protected by copyright. Copyright to this resource is held by the creator or current rights holder, and the resource is provided here for educational purposes. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without permission of the copyright owner. Users assume full responsibility for any infringement of copyright or related rights.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Image 29
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name uhlib_25194896_028.jpg
Transcript FASCISM 27 to ,ns ad }Y> ini ed rfy ib- :ed :ed in- he cal sts iUS try he a ier he all en ras he he vy 'as en es, sal ng no 'US ;er he nd g- 7- dc he «t at a critical time a mass of largely unemployable men used to securing their ends by violence and liable to increase the difficulties of their late employers. The Fascist forces had by this time developed a hierarchy which ably pushed their interests as a corporate body jjbefore the eyes of those in power. Every concession had to be made, therefore, by the Government to the armed body that had brought them to power and on whose strength they must continue ko rely. The means taken to keep the Fascist troops in being under 'the pretence that their purpose was a national and not a party one was to enrol the black shirts in a Militia for Public Safety. The Imilitia, which is responsible to Mussolini and not to the King, and js strictly Fascist in membership, control and objective, exists to this day. In one sense it is Mussolini's main support ; in another it Is one of his chief difficulties. The unanimity with which the Liberal and Democratic parties demand its disbandment shows that it is a valuable support to the Fascist Government. On the lother hand, the militia has constantly tended to get out of hand and to pursue an extremist policy regardless of Mussolini's desire for Jmoderation. After the Matteotti murder, Mussolini made frantic efforts to placate the opposition and promised among many other fthings the fusion of the militia into the regular army. Efforts to ^achieve this seem to have been made, but they have not really gone • far. The militia, though its members are now to be required to stake an oath of allegiance to the King, remains in effect the organ Jof a party and the practical means by which Mussolini in a crisis lean keep himself in power. The " constitutionalisation " of the Imilitia was postponed again and again and recent public utter- lances of its chief officers show clearly that its loyalty is to the Fascist J Party and not to the crown. The bourgeoisie to-day is by no means united in supporting £ Fascism, and the future of the movement is threatened as much by I dissensions among the bourgeoisie as by the opposition of the pro-- lletariat. Quite apart from the antagonism of the land-owning I classes who were deprived of their control of the State machine by the instrumentality of Fascism, there are important cleavages of interest in this matter among the capitalists themselves. For example, Nitti has shewn considerable fear of the developments of Fascism. This politician is the instrument in Italy of English and American financial interests, which have watched with keen anxiety the rise of Fascism backed by heavy industrialists in close association with French coal and iron magnates. Giolitti was originally a protagonist of agrarian interests and was keenly anti-fascist. But early in 1922 the financial group (headed by the Commercial Bank) on which he depended began to develop industrial interests which had formerly been the preserve of the Discount Bank (bankrupt in