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Fascism, its history and significance
Image 26
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W., L.. Fascism, its history and significance - Image 26. 1924. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. January 25, 2021. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4130.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L.. (1924). Fascism, its history and significance - Image 26. Socialist and Communist Pamphlets. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4130

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

W., L., Fascism, its history and significance - Image 26, 1924, Socialist and Communist Pamphlets, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed January 25, 2021, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/4149/show/4130.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Compound Item Description
Title Fascism, its history and significance
Creator (Local)
  • W., L.
Publisher The Plebs
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • London, England
Date 1924
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Fascism
Subject.Name (Local)
  • W., L.
Genre (AAT)
  • pamphlets
Language English
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
Original Item Extent 38 pages; 24 cm
Original Item Location JC481.F3 1924
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304502~S5
Original Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections
Use and Reproduction In Copyright: This item is protected by copyright. Copyright to this resource is held by the creator or current rights holder, and the resource is provided here for educational purposes. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without permission of the copyright owner. Users assume full responsibility for any infringement of copyright or related rights.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Image 26
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name uhlib_25194896_025.jpg
Transcript 24 FASCISM the question of constitutionalism, and inside the party also a division grew up between the Diehards who stood by violent methods, and the " evolutionists " who wanted to compromise with parliamentary and constitutional forms. Mussolini himself saw the undoubted advantages of settled and constitutional government, px-ovided that its machinery was guaranteed to work in his favour and in that of the interests which he represented. The first requisites were a compact parliamentary majority for the Fascists and a weak and disunited opposition. To secure these ends a scheme of parliamentary reform was worked out. The electoral law of July, 1923, is remarkable even among the electoral devices designed to secure bourgeois supremacy. The main features of the law are as follows : the whole of Italy is treated as one electoral area, and each constituent votes, not for an individual, but for a Party. He may, if he so desire, also indicate his preference for an individual candidate in the party list which he selects. The votes cast for each Party are then counted by the authorities and on these totals an amazing scheme is based. The party which heads the poll receives, not a representation proportionate to the number of votes cast, but two thirds of the number of seats. The winning party will quite probably receive only a minority of the votes, but it nevertheless enjoys complete and unchallengeable supremacy in Parliament. As regards the remaining one-third of the seats, these are divided among the unsuccessful parties in proportion to their votes. The opposition parties are thus split into the maximum number of fractions, while the party in power is united. The scheme is a clear expression of the Fascist dictatorship in the realm of Parliamentary government. It is not remarkable that the Bill met with much opposition, and that Mussolini thought it well to arrange for the Fascist Militia to meet in Rome when the project was before Parliament—a plain hint that the familiar Fascist methods would, if necessary, be employed to secure the passage of the measure. The hint was turned into a threat in the final debate, when Mussolini offered either collaboration or a fight to a finish on Fascist lines. The deputies chose collaboration and voted the bill by 225 to 123. Such was the Fascist achievement in regard to electoral machinery. Their record in other fields shows equally their subservience to the interests of Big Business. The eight-hour day which had been promised was guaranteed in words. It was, however, made subject to so many exceptions both as regards special trades and particular circumstances, that its value to the workers was negligible. As an example we may take the case of railway workers, where a system of "spread-over" makes their effective hours of duty often twelve or more a day. No minimum