Title | World voices on the Moscow trials |
Alternative Title | World voices on the Moscow trials: a compilation from the labor and liberal press of the world |
Creator (LCNAF) |
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Publisher | Pioneer Publishers |
Place of Creation (TGN) |
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Date | 1936? |
Subject.Name (LCNAF) |
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Genre (AAT) |
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Language | English |
Type (DCMI) |
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Original Item Extent | 64 pages: 1 illustration; 20 cm |
Original Item Location | DK266.3.A45 |
Original Item URL | http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304404~S11 |
Original Collection | Socialist and Communist Pamphlets |
Digital Collection | Socialist and Communist Pamphlets |
Digital Collection URL | http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp |
Repository | Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries |
Repository URL | http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections |
Use and Reproduction | In Copyright: This item is protected by copyright. Copyright to this resource is held by the creator or current rights holder, and the resource is provided here for educational purposes. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without permission of the copyright owner. Users assume full responsibility for any infringement of copyright or related rights. |
File Name | index.cpd |
Title | Image 28 |
Format (IMT) |
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File Name | uhlib_2774257_027.jpg |
Transcript | class privileges and of the specific Soviet election law in the new draft constitution—the whole of this necessary development is in such contradiction to the Bolshevik Party tradition that it was bound to encounter resistance among the members of the party who are attached to tradition, and to awaken opposition. Five years ago, at a time when the carrying out of the first Five Year Plan demanded the most terrible sacrifices from the masses of the people, Stalin strangled all the opposition in the ranks of his own party with a chain of tendentious political trials. He has once again decided to intimidate and cut down the reviving opposition in his own ranks by the same expedients. This is evidently the purpose and meaning of the terrible trial in Moscow. I never had any sympathy for Zinoviev; I have always considered him to be one of those mainly responsible for the disruption of the world working-class movement. I have no sympathy for Trotsky's present policy; I regard it as being thoroughly sectarian. But whatever we may think of the men whom Stalin wanted to destroy by this trial, and in so far as they were within his reach did break morally and destroy physically, can we really believe that these men have committed the crime with which they were charged? At the Marseilles Congress of the Labor and Socialist International we put forward the thesis that no Socialist may employ or support methods of force against Bolshevism in the Soviet Union, as any forcible overthrow of the Soviet Government could only lead to a victory for the White counter-revolution. In the struggle on behalf of this theory the Russian Mensheviki supported us unequivocally, determinedly and passionately. And are we supposed to believe that Russian Communists, that a man like Trotsky, the organizer of the October Revolution and the victory in the civil war; that men like Zinoviev and Kamenev, Lenin's closest collaborators, men whom Lenin regarded as his nearest persons of trust even after his conflict with them in 1917, whom he placed in the most important and most responsible positions in the Soviet State—the Bolshevik Party and the Communist International—are we to believe that these men desired to combat and overthrow the Soviet Government and the leaders of the Communist Party by the method of murder? The Soviet Union is seriously menaced by Hitlerite Germany. Anyone who desired in such a situation to disorganize its political and military leadership by the methods of individual terrorism, would commit high treason not only against the Soviet Union, not only against the Communist Party, but also against world Socialism altogether, without distinction of parties and tendencies. And are we to believe that Trotsky, the creator of the Red Army, that Zinoviev, President of the Leningrad Soviet and the Communist International, thanks to Lenin's confidence; that Kamenev, through Lenin's confidence, President of the Soviet Congress during the October Revolution, President of the Moscow Soviet, of the Council 26 |