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Montrose Voice, No. 256, September 20, 1985
File 015
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Montrose Voice, No. 256, September 20, 1985 - File 015. 1985-09-20. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 22, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/5207/show/5200.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

(1985-09-20). Montrose Voice, No. 256, September 20, 1985 - File 015. Montrose Voice. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/5207/show/5200

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Montrose Voice, No. 256, September 20, 1985 - File 015, 1985-09-20, Montrose Voice, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 22, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/5207/show/5200.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Montrose Voice, No. 256, September 20, 1985
Contributor
  • McClurg, Henry
  • Wyche, Linda
Publisher Community Publishing Company
Date September 20, 1985
Language English
Subject
  • LGBTQ community
  • LGBTQ people
  • Gay liberation movement
Place
  • Houston, Texas
Genre
  • newspapers
Type
  • Text
Identifier OCLC: 22329406
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries Special Collections
  • LGBT Research Collection
  • Montrose Voice
Rights In Copyright
Note This item was digitized from materials loaned by the Gulf Coast Archive and Museum (GCAM).
Item Description
Title File 015
Transcript 14 MONTROSE VOICE / SEPTEMBER 20, 1985 The Unholy Alliance Between the U.S. and the Apartheid Economy Feature By Anne Seidman Pacific News Service Special to the Montrose Voice For decades, the South African economy has been built up with foreign investments and technologies which the white South African minority has used not only to make apartheid work but to dominate southern Africa. The limited sanctions proposed by President Reagan hardly begin to chip away at this unholy alliance of international capital and the apartheid state. In southern Africa, a land nearly as large as the continental United States, the white South African minority has developed its military-industrial might to enrich its own members while systematically impoverishing 24 million South African blacks and seeking to dominate some 60 million people in neighboring countries. The apartheid state does not simply deny South African blacks the right to vote. It forces them to work for below- poverty wages in white-owned mines, factories and farms, or starve. Apartheid has also meant record profits for the transnational corporations that in the 1960s and 1970s multiplied their investments in South African mines and factories. In that period, U.S. firms tripled their direct and indirect investments to a total of almost $15 billion by the early 1980s. The United States became South Africa's leading trade partner, and U.S. firms now dominate the manufacture of vehicles and transport equipment and the refining and distribution of South African oil, essential for its modern industry and military mobility. They also provide sophisticated electronic equipment, especially computers, facilitating minority control over the black 80% of the population. And they mobilize international finance for the nation's military and industrial expansion. For blacks the apartheid system has spelled worsening poverty. A recent Carnegie Corporation study reported that four out of five people in Soweto, the large black township Bprawling on the outskirts of modern, white Johannesburg, earn less than subsistence incomes. In the 1970s, growing military spending required to maintain minority rule spurred the government to raise rents and bus fares in black townships, further reducing real incomes. Whole communities demonstrated in protest. Rebelling against an apartheid education system designed to prepare them only for unskilled labor, tens of thousands of young blacks boycotted classes. Meanwhile corporations were ploughing their profits back into increasingly computerized machinery to reduce their dependence on black workers. In the 1980s, as the international recession spread to southern Africa, 30%, some say 40%, of the country's black labor force became unemployed. The state forced those not working for whites to live in ban- tustans, the "homelands' that comprise only 13% of South Africa's land area. Today almost half of the black population, especially women, children and old folks, struggle to survive in these fragments of rocky desert-like soil. Unless their fathers, husbands, and brothers *_ J dramatika • Framing 40b*- a * Fine Art Posters __r _**/^ • Broadway Posters /**^_____i • Cards of All Sorts . ,/ 9m_t'"-I + and of course _w W__ ...FUN! nf m vjfjm 3224 Yoakum , _P_t i Call 528-5457 > jgjfl 20% off all custom framing 1 with this ad!! Hurry! Good through 8/31/85 have found work hundreds of miles away, whole families face slow starvation. Malnutrition is chornic. Half of the children die before they reach the age of five, others suffer irreversible brain damage. The impact of apartheid does not stop at the country's borders. Most of the neighboring states—Zambia, Zimbabwe, Lesu- thu, Botswana, Swaziland, Mozambique and Angola—had won political independence by 1980. But thse new governments bound a century of colonial rule had left national economies dominated by South Arrican corporate interests. For example, Anglo American, South Africa's largest mining finance company, still employs more Zimbabweans than any other private firm. COFFEE SHOP 1525 WESTHEIMER HOUSTON 529-2289 BUY ONE- GET ONE FREE '5.10 VALUE Cheaper Than Bating At Home! WITH THIS COUPON PURCHASE OUR CHICKEN FRIED STEAK AND RECEIVE ONE OF EQUAL VALUE OR LESS FREE! One coupon per party per visit. Not valid m combination with any other discount otter Expires 9/26/85. Trade ties also chain them to South Africa. Their economies depend on the sale of low-price crude agricultural and mineral products, sometimes to South African factories, more often through South African ports to world markets. Hundreds of thousands of their workers migrate to work on South African mines and farms. In the 1980s, South Africa embarked on a deliberate program to destabilize its neighbors. It exercised economic blackmail through its control of regional trasn- port networks and sources of supplies, especially oil. It also provided funds and arms for its own version of the Contras— guerillas fighting the independent governments—who blew up transport lines, destroyed crops and food storage, and disrupted grass roots development efforts. The Southern African Development Coordination Conference estimates that from 1980 to 1985 these destabilization tactics cost the nine independent neighboring governments over $10 billion, far more than all the foreign aid channeled into the region since they attained inde pendence. During those five years the Reagan Administration sought to persuade the South African minority to reform through constructive engagement. That policy failed. Now peoples of southern Africa, and governments throughout the world, are pressing for interantional sanctions to support their demand for fundamental change in South Africa. President Reagan's sanctions may be a nod to these pressures. But far more will be needed to make a dent on the mighty apartheid economy.
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