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Montrose Voice, No. 327-B, January 30, 1987
File 006
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Montrose Voice, No. 327-B, January 30, 1987 - File 006. 1987-01-30. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. August 5, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/249/show/229.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

(1987-01-30). Montrose Voice, No. 327-B, January 30, 1987 - File 006. Montrose Voice. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/249/show/229

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Montrose Voice, No. 327-B, January 30, 1987 - File 006, 1987-01-30, Montrose Voice, University of Houston Libraries, accessed August 5, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/montrose/item/249/show/229.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Montrose Voice, No. 327-B, January 30, 1987
Contributor
  • McClurg, Henry
  • Wyche, Linda
Publisher Community Publishing Company
Date January 30, 1987
Language English
Subject
  • LGBTQ community
  • LGBTQ people
  • Gay liberation movement
Place
  • Houston, Texas
Genre
  • newspapers
Type
  • Text
Identifier OCLC: 22329406
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries Special Collections
  • LGBT Research Collection
  • Montrose Voice
Rights In Copyright
Note This item was digitized from materials loaned by the Gulf Coast Archive and Museum (GCAM).
Item Description
Title File 006
Transcript Georgia Race Clash Part of Larger Klan Strategy JANUARY 30, 1987 /MONTROSE VOICE 5 News Analysis by Hylah Jacques Pacific News Service Special to the Montrose Voice PULASKI, TENN.-When Ku Klux Klan leader Tom Robb staged a rally on the courthouse steps here Jan. 17, he was greeted with jeers and protests from a racially mixed crowd of local residents. But on the same day 200 miles away in Forsyth County, Ga., the tables were turned. Taking advantage of deeply rooted racist feelings in the all white community, Klan leaders stirred up what civil rights activists later called "a 1000-strong lynch mob." Their target: a busload of demonstrators from Atlanta who had come to join some 30 white residents for a march in memory of Martin Luther King, Jr. With local police unprepared for the escalating violence, the march was halted along its route. News of the confrontation quickly reached Klansmen in Pulaski as they prepared to celebrate the post-civil war rebirth ofthe Klan. Stanley McCollum, grand wizard of one of the two major national Klans and the organizer of the Pulaski demonstrations, said that under the circumstances he wasn't disappointed that only 50 Klansmen snowed up for his march: "A lot of the Georgia people stayed down there. Ijust heard there was a confrontation and arrests, but we did stop them from coming in (to Forsyth)." indeed, Forsyth County has become an overnight rallying cry for a new kind of Klan which leaders call the "Fifth Era." In a telephone message for his followers, Danny Carver, a Georgia great titan (cell leader) of the Invisible Empire of Ku Klux Klan and a Forsyth organizer, hailed the success of the counterdemonstration there. "I had a dream, and Saturday in Forsyth County my dream came true," his message states. "Niggers were not run out by politics. Black animals will be kept out with rocks, bottles, fire, guns, and by the grace of God. The day ofthe rope will come and the names of all race traitors will be remembered." But Forsyth County has also become a rallying point for civil rights activists. Hosea Williams, an Atlanta city councilman and former aide to the late Rev. King, was an early and key supporter of the Jan. 17 brotherhood march. Williams and local resident Dean Carter, a white construction worker and karate devotee, were firmly committed to march again on Jan. 24. Mrs. Coretta Scott King, president of the Martin Luther King, Jr. Center, endorsed the march and attended, Organizers say they received calls from groups and individuals all over the country who wished to participate. "Brotherhood is not simply a catchword with which we recall the 1960s," says the Rev. C.P. Vivian, chairman of the board of the Center for Democratic Renewal, in explaining the marchers' motives. "Rather, 'brotherhood' is an as yet unachieved goal in many counties around the nation such as Forsyth." What the demonstrators and leaders confronted was a Ku Klux Klan whose basic goals and programs remain the same, but those strategies have changed to meet the times. On the one hand, the Nazi tendencies and paramilitary activities which began to emerge in the 1970s—during the Klan's "Fourth Era"—have now become the hallmark of its "Fifth Era." Armed auxiliaries, like the Order, as well as paramilitary training camps, like ex-White Patriot party leader Glenn Miller's in North Carolina, all suggest a gradual "nazification" of the Klan, a merging of groups sharing common goals, and a steady swing into terrorist extremism as a viable program for achieving those goals. On the other hand, Klan attempts in the 1970s to recruit from mainstream society have become more sophisticated in this decade. Klan extremists like Jesse Radford and Tom Metzger have donned three piece suits and entered electoral politics, with some success. Last November, Radford won 36 percent of the vote in a North Carolina state senatorial race against a Democrat who has been in office for 25 years. One of the biggest unifying factors has been the emergence of Identity Christianity, a racist theology which appeals to a broad spectrum ofthe Far Right and provides a religious rationale for their activities. Klansmen demonstrating in Pulaski, though small in number, represented a composite sketch of the "Fifth Era" Klan. Knights of the Ku Klux Klan Grand Wizard McCollum explains: "The Fifth Era leadership is out in the open to take the heat, and the membership 18 out of sight," in secret cells called "sleeper units." The Knights' chaplain, Tom Robb, is an Identity minister with close ties to the Aryan Nation. The charismatic Identity leader and Klan veteran Robert" Miles led the cross burning ceremony which took place after the Pulaski rally on the farm of a local klansman. Miles is the prime mover ofthe white separatist movement within the Far Right which seeks to establish a "whites only" homeland in the northwest United States. Significantly, it is with the youth that the future of both the civil rights movement and the Far Right lies. Here in Pulaski, several dozen teens, most of them black, led a high-spirited spontaneous protest against the Klan's presence. Onlookers applauded as one young black man at Robb's rally ".. .Black animals will be kept out with rocks, bottles, fire, guns, and by the grace of God. The day of the rope will come and the names of all race traitors will be remembered." —Danny Carver, Forsyth County (GA.) Ku Klux Klansman shouted "America isn't white, America is black and white together," and embraced by a white friend. But the Klan, throwing off the traditional robes in favor of stylish cammies, are also exploiting their appeal to youth. In the counterdemonstration in Forsyth, a majority of Klan sympathizers were in their teens and 20s. Meanwhile, local Klan leaders in Forsyth vowed that if the protesters returned there would be "a bloody massacre." Not intimidated, veteran civil rights activists and their young supporters were determined to demonstrate their right to walk the streets of Forsyth County. "We've planted a seed here that will make people think," said local activist Dean Carter. "And maybe something will grow from it." PNS reporter Hylah Jacques, a freelance writer based in Seattle, regularly covers the Far Right. Signs of BALDING? The Proctor/MPB Clinic offers medical treatment of hair loss under physician supervision. We use Proxidil'", a potent new prescription combination of a hair growth stimulator with a synergistic hormone- blocking agent. The growth stimulator makes your hair grow and become thicker, while the hormone-blocker helps to retard the balding process. Proxidil™ is the product of eighteen years of skin and aging research by a well- known dermatology researcher. For more information contact: V Proctor/MPB Clinic Twelve Oaks Medical Tower 4126 Southwest Freeway Suite 1616 Houston, Texas 77027 (713)960-1616 Coffee Shop 1102 Westheimer — 522-3332 To Go Orders Always Welcome Breakfast Specials $2A9-$2.75 Lunch Specials $3.95 Dinner and Midnight Specials Serving Beer and Wine Thanks for Your Continued Support of Aid for AIDS Meeting place of Wednesday morning Montrose Business Guild Breakfast Club—6:30am
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