| Transcript |
Beginning in this issue:
The Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee's new
Handbook for Americans:
The Communist Party
of the U.S.A.
What It Is - How It Works
SENATOR JAMES O. EASTLAND
Chairman, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee
How the Fund Can Serve
Our Republic
Da' id L.iwrcnec's column (\ \/a$hington
f~t:cniu~ Star, j-.muar} 5), forwarded to us
hy a reader, suggt·sU, .L 111.lnncr i11 \\ hich the
Fund for the RL"puhlit: llli.l} n.:dc:cm ibelf
.md meet the tl1 g:111nt:1.1l ut its critics that the
I l million fund ong:111all) don<.1tcd to it b}
th(' Ford Found.1tion for "t'du<.:ation" on
\111('rk .. m prin<.:iplt·s of gm t•rnnu:nl has not
IH'en used for th<.lt purpOSl'.
.. Onl) matcri<1ls that t('nd to show that the
Co111mumst part) is llll'rt'I) <l political party,"
"rit<.·s Da,id Lawn·nt:e, " not 01 c.:onspirae)
din·cted h) a foreign go' t•mrnt.·nt and ;.d"iO
hooklds th;.1l tend to 111i11i111i/.l' tht.· problem
of 'seuirity risl..s' h<tH' thus L1r ht't'll distrihukd
with the Ford morn:).
"'\ow. howt.•\ er:· lw conlinm:s, '"the suhco111mitlet
· of tht· St·natc Judic:iar) Committ1
·e whi<:h h;.1s hten inn·stig<tting the wholt
mh'rn~d s<.·<.·urity prohk111 hils i..,..,11t:d a 100-
pa,1!<' l/and/Jook for .\mcricans [which
i' heing: r('printed i11 Fad\ Forum \·cu:.\
,t.1rtin~ on Pag<: 2 of this issm·]. It tell, hm'
tlw Communist p1uty \VorJ..s. This pamphlet
<"illl hardh h<l\ <' a wi<h· t:ir<.'ulation. as thert.'
i' no Fund in Congrl'SS to "iend out 1ni1\inns of
copies to the dti1.t·ns."
\Ir. Lawrenl'<' points out that th<' Fund for
the Republic c:ould prO\t' its impartiality and
di,inh'rc·.-..t<'dn<'SS hy obtaining the hooJ..lets at
cost from th<' Con•rnnwnt Printin~ Offic<',
.rnd c.;(·nding to t'' t•n c.;ehool and coll<•g(' and
to t·\ pry nlC'mlwr o( t•n·ry uni\'('rsity focult~
.me! to <•n•rv writ<'r. <'' t·n "i<.:hool tt•;.tcher and
1·\('r~ derj!~lll<lll in tlw <.:ounti: ac.; w('ll as to
11wmhns of all cj, il' and fratnnal organizations.
.. C<•rtainly," h<' <.·on<.·ltl(h·c.;. "tlw idea ought
to ,1pp<·al to Paul I loff111<1n. Chairman of th<"
C..,t11ckhaker Corporation. who is Chairm;.m of
th<' Board of Dirl'dOr< of th<' F11ncl for tlw
H1·p11hlir and a fair-mimh·cl man with ;t long
c·\pt·rirnt<' in public ~wn·ic<•."
(Editor's '-:oh': Facts For11111 \"l"ln·. too.
wo11ld hP happy to s11ppl)' \I r. llofTman with
tilt' rwcesc.;ary reprints for this purpose at
nominal cost.)
• •
The Block the Ch ip Came From
handt"cl dO\\.ll In tlH' t·ourt 111 tht· t"<.lM' of
Dnini.1 t'I al "·'rite l 'llitcd States [Eugene
Dennis, 011t·-t111u: Communist part) ll'ader,
who w.1s trit"d with t<.·n otlwr lt•ading Com-
111tmisb, judgt· l larold \kdin;.1 prt·siding -
St·l' articll' 011 Pagl' 2 of this issm:]. Ignoring
thl' 11lajority opinion on this <.«.tSl', the lead('r
,1sJ..l'd that tlw 111inorit) opinion he r<:ad
then a;l-t·d, "'"" what do )OU think of th.it!
In ,1 countr~ wlwn· f r<'<·clom of s1w<'ch i..,
u:uar;tnh·ed hy th<" Con..,titlllion, p<'opl<" ar<'
hcing put in jail 1m·rt'I) for 'nwding in each
otlwr's hou.-..t·s and db<.·11..,sing hooJ..s.'"
lududl'd i; a l'hart t·11litll'd ".\ DULT·
t·rat<'d EDUCATIO,, Ford Foundation St) le
Ill thl' Los Angt'ks, C;difornia, arl'a," as wt'll
,ts a d-iart outlining Ford Follndation ac:th·itlt
·s. This projed is in ih fifth yt'<tr of A LA...
ponsorl'd adi\ ity, 01wrating from headqu11rtt-
rs at 50 E<.tst I hmm Stn•(•t, Chicago.
\lrs. Gielitz writ<·'· " I prayerfully hop<·
th;1l you can bring thi!-t to th<' 1ttt('ntion of
~our readers. It would lw intt·n·sting to lwar
from p<.·oplt' ''ho h;.l\ c partidpal<'d. or arf'
participt1ting, so thill tlw nationwidt' picture
l'Onld 1><' obtain<'d.·'
Sh<''"'"" "Your rl'aclt•f' could hl' lp h) furni.-..
hing ;tdditional d<x·11111t·ntation to Jo ll indm<.
m, author of the artidt', tit 8920 Second
\ n•., Inglewood l . Californi;t."
• •
Is ACLUism Americanism?
If )"OU thinJ.. it is, your answer will h<"
··r<'s" to th<' following statements, which are
ind11dt·d in a n·cent q11<"•,tionn11irl' cirni\;1h'd
h' the ,\ 11wri<.·t.111 Ci,11 Lihl'rli<'S l ' nion.
· "Co\'ernnl('nt t·1nplo) t·t·s al'u1st·cl of disloralt'
should ha' t' tlw ri).!ht to J..no" tht'
... m.1rn·s of i11formatio11 again..,l tlw111 ;UH.I to
t·ross-examin<' th<'ir a<.·tu"it'r' ... " \ n) pri\ alt·
indi' idual should h,l\\' tlw right to criti<.·il.l
iln~ gm ('rnment or go' t•rnm<·nt offit'i;.d any''
her<' in tlw world." "Tt·"ih of gon·rnnwnt
t·111ployt'<'s' <.;<•eurity should h<' ('Onfinccl to
'i'll"iitin• poc.;itions in' ohinj..!; 1niliL1r~, ;ttomic
or intt'rnational .1ffoirs."
If you agn·t• with t\ CLlf, yott will ;tiS<>,
,1ccording to the qm·,tionn;lirl', anc.;w<·r "'\o"
to tht'S(' St<tt(•Jllt'tltS:
Di\'l"i!Oll, P. 0. Bo\. J0.;5, Indian;1polis, Ill"'
dia11;1.
On<.T again wt• art' ind<"htcd to \ 1r. S;th
tor<' Solimin<' (St'<' H<"1tdl'rS Rt'port, fcbru
ary, 1956, Facts Forum ,\le1rs, 7 I lench1n•1
St., llo;ton 1:1, \ lass., for furnishin~ th
information.
•
Hear Ye! Hear Ye! Facts Forum
Re p rints ol Constitution Available
Bool-ld rl'prints of the Constitution;
t·arr~·d in our January_issu<.', may ht• oht~1;1
at 1.., t·t·nts l'<tl'h;. I l.::>0 pt'r lu111dn·d; $ 1
( ~
pl'r fi"· hnndn·d; $1:)0.00 p<'r thous<llld· 'f
hookkt indudt·s all l'Onstitutional ,uneiW"
11H·11ts, ;1s wdl as £i\'<' propost'd anwn_dnit:t
"hidt will ht• m11<.·h dbl't1Ssl'd dunn~ I
111011ths to <.·0111e: Tlw \1 11nclt-Coll('
\ 11u·n<lm<.'nl, Tht· H<•t•cl- l )irks<'n Arnendn.1\
Thl' B)rcl-Bridgl'c.; Amendment, Th<' Bn<
\ 11wndn1cnt, and Th<' Rt·('d-\ Valtcr j\1nl'o'
nwnt.
•
How Tough Are the Ides ol March?
"R('u;o rc tltc Illes of \farc/1!" tl1 cU sr!I·
Yet in April they tax our 'iclcs au:ll!f
An mt<.'r<:sti11g mai ling rt'<.TiH·d fro1il
\ \ t.·stt·rn T,1\ Council, Inc., :)8 South Pf
horn Stn·d, Chi<.-01go :), Ill inois, p;h cs 10
n_liltion n·ganling tht• rt'cord to thl' prr~
tlllW Oil tlw propOSt'd illlll'IUlment lllw
ft~lt·ral ta\.<'S on llll'01_1w, ystatl' ,rnd ~1 ~
:!.J pt'r t't'llt t'\l'epl 1n t111w of w;ir.
hooJ..IPl, Fact.\ am/ ,\11.\u:cr.\, exprcs"iL'"
t·on\ id ion th.it lowt•r i11<.·0111<· ta\. r.tll'°'
111l·n·aw ft·<k ral rt·n·ma'. I
\ \)PTO' ,d of c.;11d1 a propost"d ;11m·ll( .1~
h) t l<' ll'gish1tun·s of thirty-two st11tcs !'i
q11in•d lollowi ng " hich ra ti fication h) ~ \1
sh !-tl;ltt''i would muJ..e it a p11rt of th<' ,.(
1
t11tio11.
Thl' "it;tk of OJ..l.d1on111 p~tsst·d thl' r\,
tion 11u·111ori .. d11111g Congrt'"iS to <."<t ll a t"ill
tion fo r tilt' pu rpOS(' of eonsideriu.l!'.1
a11u·11d11w11t to tlw Const1t11tion in \ Lt)·
tht' thirtidh ... t.1l« to taJ..e this 11di011 ·\t1
two 111ort· stat<·s m·<·cl appro\'e this rcsOd1
to allow tht' t·onsid<'rati_on of the 1111.lt.'
11
ti
1h1·lf h) Congr<"sc.; and its prt'"il'nt•1tHl11
'tatt·"i For ratHi<'cttion. \t
Statt•<.; \\ l11d1 h;I\ t' p;.tS<.;('d the rrv\,
are: .\l.1h;una. \ rJ..;tns;ts, l)d;tW<lrt', . ~
(;('orgia, lllinoic.;, l ncli1111a. low;1, K1l~1'·r-1 ...
t11<"k). Lot1i"ii.t11a.. \ lainl'. \ LtS"i·1~'.J\
\ l il'hig;in. \ l i,c.;i"i"i1ppi. \ lonLtn<I. '\ t
1
'
't'\ ;1d11, 'cw I Lu11pshin'. '\l·W J cr\t')~I
\ h ·,ko. Oklaho111a. Pt•nfl"i} h ;miil. Hh\~
l.111d. ~011th I ).ikota. Tnas. lltah. \
1
\ \ i ... ('011c.;111. and \ \ 'yoming. . 1-t
TIHl"i(' c.;tal<'\ whit'h h11\l' not )d P•1
"')1
rt·,ol11tio11 an·~ \ ri1on<l, Californi<t. 0'1,11
Co1111t·dk11t. Idaho. \ Ian Ltncl. \1
111
,
\ l i,,011ri. \(·\\ YorJ... '\orlh c,1rolin•1
•
Dakota. Ohio, Ort•j.!On, South C11ro\J11"'\
1u·c.;"·1·. \'prmont, \\';1shington. ,111<
\"iru:i111;t. ~
\lrs. Edna G1elicz, 820.5 Second A,c.,
lngk•\\"<X><.l, C;.diforma, has sent llS illl artic:ILn
·printed 111 tlu.· puhlit inl<·rt·"it h~ tht· Ed11<.:ation;.
1l '\t·\\"S Sen i<.:c, llo' ~112, Fullerton,
California ( copll'S of wl11ch lll<t) ht· ohl;ti11t'd
tro111 tlw111 for Hk l'.1ch plus stamp<..'<l, sclf.1ddr<.
·'i'it:d k·g.tl-si1.t· t·nH·lopt·, or twl'ht
cop1t•s for om· doll.1r, po-,tp.ud to one .1ddn
·..,.., ). This .1rtll"k, "Tiil' · \11wric.1n l krit.
1g1.' l'rojl·d," h) Jo 11 ind111.m. is from tlw
\'atimwl Hqmhlic lllill!·t/llh", "\ovt'mher.
19-~.5. and ch•;.ds ,,.:ith tlw \ 1m·ric.m I it'ritag(·
Projt'd ht"mg ro ... t(•!Td h) th(' \ 111eril'an
Lihrar) \ "is0<:1atio11. "Tht· Ford Found.1tion,"
thl' artic.:ll' "ili.ltt•s, "throu1.d1 its ad1und Fund
for .\clult Eclu<.»llion, "illpplit·"i th<' !llOlll'Y that
,11,t.ti11\ tht' \ml'ril·•lfl ll crit.1gl' Projc·<.·t
n.1tion,1ll) , hut t'<H.·h \)n>)('d lo<.·all~ enjoys
Ford p.ltrrni.u!<' for on )' .1 li111itl'd ll'ngth of
t11111..'. .dkr which 1111._11 ... pt·1.·t111s.t Ln.tM)Tr., .trt·
hurdt·1wd with thl' hill."
"E' t'r)OIW ".·ho d,d111.., tlw \)ri\ ilt').!e against
,t·lf-inl'ri111111at1on "lwn ac.;lt·< if hl' is a Com-
11wnist m11st lu· OIH'." "Congn·s"i "houlcl inH
·c.;tiJ.!<lll' political lwlit"f, and a..,so<:iations in
ordt'r to dt'lt•mtint· wlwtht'r tht'' ar<" 'un\
nwritan.'" "11w ,l.!O\t'flllllt"lll is ·j11..,ti£i<'cl in
harrinu: t<"mporai:· fon·i,t!n 'i ... itors h<'<.';ltlS(' of
tlwir political prin<."iplt· .... " "P11hlil' "it'hool and
colh·g<' t<·adwrs should IH" rcquir('d to sign a
'tw<·ial non- .onnmrnist lo' .ill\ <Mth."
Pcrh;IJJ\ your <lll"iW<'r"i ·to lh('"i<' qm·c.;tion'
will ht'lp ~ou d1·tn111inc whdlwr your brand
of \ nwricanic.;111 agrt'('S with that of \ CLU.
·ce
Reade rs Re port - At Your Se r"'
. th"
\\'h,1t would yo11 likl' to sc~· 111 fl!°
11_111n·~ l)o ~011 h,I\(' ;t _"i11t!C:l''t1on r Jil
litc-r1.1tnn· '011 would lilt· to .. ct' 11
11
l!i;.
for its ';1f1u· to ou r rPildt'rS or ~1 1)
h·gic.;l;1tion for our n•adl'1-...' attl'ntuill· t'
know of ,01111· pt•rc.;on or gro11p '' 1in~ ·ti
ti1·s. ha' t' ht·1·11 p.1rtil'ularl) ('011..,tn;~,
th1·1r uu1111111111t}, or to our c0l11~11:
would likt· to J..now ;d>out thc111. · -1\
or photogr,1ph, n·\,1t111g to tlw 11t.1tffl·
"hi<"h \Oii writt· .trt· ;tl..,o wdco111t". ~1
Om· u:ro11p 11u·di11u: 011tl11u-d ''.ts .l'.,led h~
the proj<·<:t lt-.1ckr to con..,idt'r th<' 1·fft"d of
frtTdrnn of 'l1t"t'<"h in n·l.ttion to tht d1·cisio11
• •
Steps Toward a New Birth ol
Freedom - Ame rican Legion Style
Th<' "\iltion.tl \ mcric:anism Commis"iion of
thl· \ 111t'ri<:.m Lt·gio11 h,1, public.;lwd. •lS ,,
ll.lrt of ih t·dw:.1tio11.d pm)!r,un, m1111t•rou">
JMlnphkt... "hu.-h h,1,·t· ht•t·11 p11rd1<l"it'd h~
'.triou.., \111t·ril·.111 Lt·L!;1t111 Po'h ,rnd d1 ... trih
11tt·d to ... dl<>Oi"i ,t"> ,I l"Ollllllllllil\ "it'r\iU'.
l111/111ri<·S rt·L!;.1rdinl.! tlu·"it· ,;,unphkt... 111,1,
he <H dn·"i"it'd to tht' '•tlion.d Emhh·m S,1lt'"i
Plt•a"' .uldrc..,.., ~our ldh'r' tO· 1·
lkt•11t. hull For111>1 \'rn,, I).<~
IN
THF. c
M F.LTt.
Ra
Conde1
\ft
The Str
W;
DF.c:i.:"1
Ro
A C1,os
l irr
Bo<J" F
Ft;\;D-11
flow D
R .. o,0 ,
Co'in:s
\V1\;-.; 1,
.\f o
Wi
Hu.P 1
Poet Q
Pot.L I~
S1.0<.A\; --
\umbt>ro
tn flrtl
~Pages I
~or 4 ,
·>to 8 ~:
Const ilut
U, S.
IN TH IS ISSUE
Volume 5
Number 3
March, 1956
Forum
11.vailable
onstitution.
a) he oht.iit1l
mdn:d ; ~j(l.I
thOllS<llH.I. f'
lional tllllt:11
d anwnd1nl'\
ed durin~ 1
\l11ndt-On1dt
·n Amcndll.\
ol Thc Br1'
,\;alter A1nl'n
TitE: c O\[,(\;\;JST PARTY, U.S.A. \ IIA\;DBOO!.. FOB A\1EHICA\;S
~IElTJ\;(·
2
· • TUE 1110, Cn1TAI' ... Conclusion
16
C
Radio Free Europe's Own Story
0nd,ens·1t· f S
1
'.' 1011 o HA,C11A1 Co,sPrnAC\
Th <I/. Gen. Charles A. Willoughby 23
e Strange Case of tlw hn:tr,ATIO,AL LA11on OncA'<IZATIO"
William f,. ,\lcGrath . . . . .
DF.cr,ni
38
· Al.lZE A"D Sunv1vEI
Robert Johnson 42
AC ..
LOsi:-L" Vu·:\\ OF RADIO FnFI' EtlHOPF - Conclusion
liri (Ceor •e) B l . 43
50
.51
54
57
61
B . rac a . . . • . . . . . . .
0<,._ Ri:vwws
Fu,o-R . . .
AISI\;(, PLA"
liow D v · R () i()l,, :\h:ASll1E L' P?
CA D10 ·\ \; 0 T\' Sc 11rnulEs
o'n:sT HL! LS
\\'1,,1,c I . . . . . . . . .
· • "LTTi-:ns TO THE Eorrons
\fonthly Contest \Vi111wrs
fl . Winners - Last llalf of 195.5 Contest
l.tp nu.; CAL'SE OF F1u:1mo"d
Poll Q
61
62
63
64
64
64
p Ll:sno:-.s A'-D Pou Qt i-:sno' \V1,,t:ns
Ol.L HFSLlTS
Sioc · ·A' ron Tiii•. :\lo-,;n1
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Next month'i; eontinuation or tlu.~
Senate Internal Scruril\ Subeom·
miuee\ handbook on .:The Com·
muni~t Part~ of the l'nited ~tarr ...
of Amerirn., will ('OH'r thi., and
other !-iuhj('C't .. of \·ital ron<.·ern to
all \meriran ...
The Suh<·ommittee\ handbook." ith
l)hotographi<' illustrntion" added
i..; bein~ fully reprinted in t1<'H'r.1i
i~i:.tallment~ in Facts Formn ~eU'.'i.
Smt·e only a limited quantity or
the handbook \\US printt"d hv tht"
Sub<'ommittee, and anotht'r · puh·
li!-her i~ reprint inJ?; it at 1.00 p<'r
<'Opy ... ub~rriber~ to Fart.\ Forum
News will save one-lialf of ont•
year'" suhs<'ription t'O:--l on thi ..
feature alone.
"UNESCO - Good
or Bad Influence?"
\ stimulatin~ dehate on lhis bllh·
ject by the Panel of a Farts Forum
radio·telev i;:;ion pro~ram leads into
~urthcr pro,s and con's in the April
issue. Both the domestir and inter·
nali?nal '"perts of U ESCO "ill
reC'el\e attention. Read both side!'i
of the rontro,er ... ) df'alinp; with thi ..
..;periaJized agency of the United
Nation;:;.
Vigorou Response to
RFE Series
The arti(·les on Radio Fre(' Europ<»
which are <'om· luded in this j,;.,u<'.
have spa rked letter!-; of both pro·
test and approval. AlthouJE;h 1he1-1e
letteri; "ere recehed too late for
indmdon in thil!I is!'IU<', don,t mi .. .,
them in the \pril Facts Forum
News.
WHAT IT IS-HOW IT WORl( S
I:. the belief tha t onl y an informed
a nd a lert Am e ri can ci ti zenry can
combat the Communist con spiracy to
overthr ow our way of life, Facts
Fo rum etvs present the newl y-issued
h andbook on the Communist P arty,
U A.
Prepar ed by the Sen a te Internal
1;curity Subcommittee, h ead ed b y
Sen a tor J ames 0 . E astland, this documented
m a te ri al outlines the fac tors
which m ake the Communist P arty a
threat to individua l fr eedom an cl
pros pe rity - the fund amental differences
whi ch di s tin g u ish it from a
t r ue po litical party.
T he h andbook, which h as h een
p ublished only in limited qua ntities
hy the uhcommittee, will be presented
l o our r ead e r s in sever a l
section s, o f which this is the fir st.
TnE average American is unaware of the amount.'
misinformation about the Communist Party, USA, ,vh1c
appears in the public press, in hooks and in the uttera11
,
of public speakers. In part, this misinformation is col1~r
ously planted by members of the party using ways '\
means calculated to have the greatest dfect in pois_01d,
the channels of American public opinion. In part, it is 1
to our ignorance of the problem - the problem of
existence in our midst of a mass conspiratorial orgatJ1'
tion controlled by a foreign power. The Communist pl'
!em is unique in our history. 1
The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee prr'~s
this study of The Communist Party, USA - What It
II ore It ·w arks as a convenient handbook for America1d~'
an effort to counteract current misinformation regar 1
the Communist movement. This study seeks only to
10
'
the high spots without going into a detailed analY51~1
Communist activity in the labor movement, af1ld
'egrocs, women, youth, foreign language groups, aC
front organizations. It endeavors to differentiate the ·i
munist Party from bona fide political parties in the l]J1~
States. \Ve earnestly believe that, gh·en a more acC
0
1
knowledge of the Communist conspiracy, fewer f.!1
cans will fall victim to its wiles.
. t f· FOUNDED in September, 1919, the Commun1s . . 1p
of the United States of America is an org:1111f p
unique in American historv. It is not a true po
1 ~
party and differs fundamentally from all political 11'~
in this country. It is in fact a Russian-inspired, ~jo~,.
dominated, anti-American. quasi-military consP
1
,
against our government, our ideals, and our freedoJ11
F A('Ts Fo11t 'r '1·:ws, ,\[arcl1
•
J
''Control by Blackmail"
"How to Judge a Fellow Traveler"
ist'Party
e 'States of America
A Handbook for Americans
~IOS(OW-hSPIHED '"D DO\ll"ATED
)lc~ftt·r. testirnon~ running o'er a period of more than <~ne
.• ~· .f1om nunwrous ([ualified witnesses, the Subversive
C'.C:o h1·ir1 <•s· C.o ntrol Board l·o und, on Apri·l 20, 1953, tI mt tIi c
di rnrnunist Party of the United States is "substantially
'!'hrics' l'tfti•i d '.< Jo mina•t cd, and controlled by the Sovi•e t U1 1·1 on. "
"<'r. lding \\as based upon the evidence before the Sub-the
sii·c ·' \ c t·1 11· t1· cs Control Board. It was uncI erg·m I e<I IJ )'
ties report o f I Ii e flouse Committee on Un-Ameri·c an Ac t.1 11· -
''"e 00 The Comm1111ist Party of the United States as an
s11~p 111 01 a Forcian Pou;er IJublishcd in 19-17. The counts
1.P <>rr · '-: ' Tl ing this finding follow: . . .
<'On . le Communist Party USA traces its ong111 to two
'('nt· . ' '
her 1 ions, lwld simultaneously in Chicago from Scptcm-the
C to 7, 1919, of the Communist Party of America and
in r <lilimuni<,t Labor Partv. Both com·c•ntions were held
then<'spon~e to an im itatio;1 issued by Gregory Zinovicv,
%t l 1
esid<'nt of the executive committee of the Commull11Ji1
· ~t<•rnational \\ith headquarters in ~loscow, and first
a )l1 IS IC'<] in this COullh) on July 7, 1919, in the l\'o~y ,\fir,
1··i ev ISS1an ne"· spa per publi· shed 1· 11 'ew \'o rk· C"1t y. z·1 110-
lhe ~~·~s, at .that time, a member of the e:xecutive body .of
lllan of Russian Ct>ntral Ewcutive Committee and Chairfro111
z· the· Petrograd Soiiet. In obedience to instructions
lion 111 inoviev, the two parties he had callt•d into convenin
\[. <'rged into tht> United Communist Partv of America
? •ly, 19·)1 .
-. A - .
Co1lln rn~ng thp "twmtv-one points" of admission to the
hY tlip1 li\n 1·s t I. 11t<'rnationa· l, adopted in 1920 an< ] acceptecI
p 111<'ncan part}' was o. H to the effect tlwt - .. lt)i '
tt.iti011~jlr\y <.h·sirous of affiliating with tlw Co1111nunisl. Interto
ti,.. S ' HJtdd h<• ohlig,.d to rl'ncler cn•ry p<mihll' ••smtant<'
r,.,Oliit: O\ii ~ lkp11hlks in th<.'ir stn1gglc against all counterl
pr1.\./::~1 ·1 f). fon.·~·s: Th<· Com11111nist partit·s should c-.irry on
I' •Uld <id1111t<• propagand,1 to incl11e<' the workNs to
~f ls r
. 'Ont ' 1 1 \1 s, '1ar<'h, 19.)(j
refuse• to trn1"port any kind of military equipment intended
for fighting against the Sodl'l Republics, •lllcl should also hy
leg.ti ;.tnd illegal llll'<lns carry on a propag~tnda amongst the
troops sent against the workc>rs republics. 0 0 0
ince that time, paramount allegiance to the Sodet
Union has been a fundamental tenet of the Communist
Party, SA, as shown by the hooks recommended for party
study, such as: Problems of l~eninism and Foundations of
Leninism, both by Joseph Stalin; History of the Com1111111isl
Party of the Sodct Union; Lenin's \\'orks, and by party
oaths of loyalty such as the following of 193.5 for new
members:
I pi<•clge nn self to nilly the masses to clcfcncl the Soviet
Union, tlw land of 'ietorious socialism. I pleclg" mysc•lf to
n•main at all tinws a 'igilant and firm ckfond<'r of the L<'llinist
line of thl' P•trty, tlw only line that insurc-s tlw triumph of
SO\ id Power in tlw United St.ites." (The Co1111111111ist Partv -
a ,\/c1111111l on Orgauization, by J. Peters)
At the t•,·enth \\'orld Congress of the Communist International
lwkl in the summer of 1935, attended by Earl
Bro,Hkr, \\'illiam Z. Fost<'r, Gil Green, John Williamson,
Jack Staclwl, William Schneiderman, James W. Ford, Robt'rt
~Iinor, amuel Darcy and ~Iartha tone, all topflight
\merican Communist leaders at the time, an oath was
taken hy the assC'mblcd delegates assuring "Comrade
Stalin, leader, tl'aclwr, and friend of the proletariat and
oppr<'ssed of the whole world" that "the Communists will
alwavs and cn·n \1 her<' be faithful to the end and to the
great and im inc"ihle banner of ~Ian, Engels, Lenin, and
Stalin" and that "under this banner, communism will b·iumph
throughout the world."
Th<' Daily Worker and Political ,\ff airs (formerly The
Co1111111111isl ), both official publications of the Communist
Party, i,;SA, han', sine(' their inception, consistently dcfrmkd
the So' it•t L nion without a single exception to
date.
Harry Pollitt !left),
former General Secretory
of Communist Party, USA,
speaks at Seymour Hall,
London, during 20th
national congress of the
Communist Porty.
William Z. Foster
(right), present National
Chairman of the CPUSA.
_\rticle I, section 1, of the Constitution of the Communist
Party of America, adopted in 1921, reads as follows:
The name of this organization shall be the Communist
Party of America, Section of the Communist International.
In his History of the Communist Party of the United
States, William Z. Foster lists its conventions under the
following designations: Communist Labor Party ( 1919);
Communist Party of America ( 1919, 1920, 1921, 1922);
United Communist Party of America (1921); American
Labor Alliance ( 1921); Workers Party of America ( 1921,
1922, 192.3, 1924); Workers (Communist) Party of America
( 1925, 1927, 1928, 1929); Communist Party, USA
( 19.30, 1932, 1934, 1936, 1938, 1940, 1945, 1943, 1950);
Communist Political Association ( 1944 ), thus establishing
the continuity of the organization under the titles given.
At its convention in Kovcmber, 1940, the Communist
Party, USA, decided:
That the Communist Partv of the USA, in Convention
assembled, does hereby cancel' and dissolve its organizational
affiliation to the Communist International 0
•
0 for the specific
purpose of removing itsdf from the terms of the so-calkd
\'oorhis Act. 0 0 0
The Subversive Activities Control Board found, 1 however,
that
the disaffiliation did not altN in any substantive way the relationship
between the Respondent (CPUS A) and the Communist
International. 0 0 0
In 1943 when the Soviet Union was our ally in \Vorld
\\'ar II, the Communist International was dissolved on
the initiative of the Presidium of its Executive Committee.
The Communist Party, USA, publicly approved this decision.
In September, 1947, a conference of nine leading
European Communist parties established the Information
Bureau of Communist and \Vorkers' Parties (Cominform).
The American party hailed the establishment of the Information
Bureau as a much-needed center of cooperation,
hut did not affiliate in view of the Voorhis Act, and other
legislation (statement of national board, CPU SA, in Political
Affairs, December, 1947). The Subversive Activities
Control Board found~ that -
Ht·port. p . 1-L
-R•port, p. 19.
the Communist Infonnation Bun:au rt:pr('sents what the
Communists consider the hesl possible substitute at the
present time for the Communist lntt•mational and that Respondent's
support of the Information Bureau • 0 0 and its
non-deviation from the line of the Bureau, arc done for the
purpose and with the aim of advancing the objectives of the
world Communist movement.
The main reports at the founding meeting of the Co111i
11
form were presented by A. Zhdanov, then a member of th•
Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Uni
011
secretary of its Central Committee and a colonel-gene!"
in the Hed Army, and by Georgi ~I. ,\!alcnkov, then gene!
secretary of the CPSU and Deputy Chairman of tli
Council of ,\!inisters of the oviet Union.
3. The current constitution of the Communist PMI'
USA, adopted in 1945, amended in 1948 and reaffirmed
1950, states in its preamble:
The Communist Party of the United States is a politi<"11
party of the American working class, basing itself upon the
principles of scientific socialisrn, ~lanism-Lcninism.
In his address to the Supreme Soviet of the USSil
0
August 8, 1953, fr. Malenkov indicated how close'
Iarxism-Leninism is officially identified with the Corll~111
nist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet govern111C'
itself, when he declared:
The Communist Party and tlw Sovi•·t government kno'"
where and how to lead the pt'Opl<', because they arc guidrJ
by the scientific th<'Ory of social development - ~larxis111 •
Leninism 0 0 0 The Sovi<·t stat<' and the Communist p"rtY
equcp the people on the basis of tlw teaching of \larx-Enl(t'Is·
Lenin-Stalin with a profound knowl .. dge of the objective '""(
of the development of society, the law. of the construction 11
communism, and thereby giw th('m a clear prospect of th<'
constructive activity of the So' i"t people.
4. The Communist International with headquarter> 1
i\!oscow sent representatives to tll(' American Cornm0 ~
Party who wielded unquestioned authority. The Stib'"
sive Activities Control Board found that -
A preponderance of the t•vidcn<·c ckarly shows that reprc'
scntatives of the CPSU W<'r<' in the United States and th•~
through them respondent [CPU A) received directives '1
11
instructions. (Report, p. 61).
These representatives included: G. Valetski (Vaktsi'
1922; Joseph Pogany, alias John Schwartz, alias John J'<
Per, ali
S. Gussc
alias \Ji
Brown
gel, 192!
Gerhard
19.32 anc
alias Jen
~I. Jenk
Brown
1934; i.(
19.3.t; H
alias W<
5. Frc
nist Intc
40 to 50
eel these
of these
cornrnittc
ln his
A.rnc•rica1
r'oster, r
teHified
l~11sincss
Conirnur,
~ltivcs i11
hcrn we
Hobert ~
Cc·orgp ·
Dunne'
Andre,~
6. \JC'r
assigned
\Joscow
\Jarx-L~i
<'ditor of
roughs, E
t·\1n <Ie pa
· C. Bo~
for the C
of thp So
Stron I;, C'i
11. 7· Lea1 1\ncd 1"
rc·prcscnt
l\"crn. E
'\ '· •a
. tonbC'rg
Anicric·i
Jo1er1i 'z C..P o rge,)
a1n and
las D
~t oze
c'l. , 19'_>,h
· · Lea<
In• tve p 11 II >
I ternati
ic<11:io1J<· I
r·n ' /Ice, Th
l or a Peo
>(•en A.
1 .'\ .
· · rnt(•r
%9. 'fhe'
i Ools in
ng, With
Iver 1
p. e ate1
dtl)." L;
1t the
1t the
lt Re·
ind its
'or the
of the
: CoJJ1ill
<Cf of th•
't Unio11
1-gcnct«
n genrt
1 of tl
st PM1'
finned
10litic"I
IOn the
ussF 0
v c1asc1
CoJJ1D1''
vernt11c
t Jeno'''
guidcJ
arxis1W
.t p,,rtY
En!!ds-
'\"C l;.1\\·~
otion of
of th«
t rcpW
nd th•~
vcs ~lfl
Valets~'
John l'•
Per, alias John S"ift, 1922-29; Boris Hcinstein, 1922;
S. Guss<'\, alias P. Green, alias Drapkin, 192.5; Y. Sirola,
alias \lillt'r, 1926, 1927; Arthur Ewert, alias Braun, alias
Brown, alias Berger, 1927; Han: Pollitt, 1929; Philip Dengel,
1929; B. \likhailov, alias George Williams, 1929, 1930;
G<'rhard Eisler, alias Hans Bcrp;cr, alias Edwards, 1931,
l~.32 and 1940-4.5; Carl E. Johnson, alias Scott, alias Jensen,
~has Jenson, 1921, 1922; Petersen, 192.5, 1926; \Iarcus, alias
·I. Jenks, 1928; F . .\Iarini, alias \lario Alpi, alias Fred
~ro\~n, 19;18-4.8; "·'.illiam Hust, 1927; Willi .\luenzenherg,
1
93{ Loms G1barti, also kno\\n ;is Dobos, 1927, 1928 and
~34, Haymond Guyot, 193S; ). uscfo\'lch; Paul .\lerker,
ahas \\'agner.
. .5. From \larch 1, 1919, to August 21, 19.3.5, the Commu~;
lst International .held SC\ en congresses in \loscow. From
to 50 leadc•rs of the American Communist Party attendc1
these meetings from time to time. As a rule, one or more
0 these leaders w<'re chosen to he member of tht' executive
committee of the Communist Jntt'rnational.
I\ ln his appearance before the House Committc•c on U11-
Fmc•rican \ctivities, on September 29, 19.'39, \Villiam z.
t Oster, present chairman of the Communist Party, USA,
1cstificd that he had visited the Soviet Union on official
~Hsiness at least 10 times hct\\Pen 1921 and 1937. The
.
0mrnunist International maintained American rcprcsent.
tii tivcs· m· _' ,foscow between congresses. lncludC'Cl among
p,1cb were Benjamin Gitlow, Israel Amter, \fa, Bedacht,
C 0 <'rt .\Iinor. Louis J. Engdahl, Earl Bro\\der, Harrison
Dt·orgt>. IT. \1. Wicks, William W. \Veinstone, William F.
i\~~~ne, Clan·nce Hathaway, John J. Ballam, J. Peters,
6
rew Overgaard, John Little.
a .. : \It•mbers of the American Communist Party were
.\~signed to official posts in the Communist apparah1s in
~loscow, notably: Leonard Emil \!ins, editor for the
;.ct'\·Lenin Institute prior to 19.36; Schaehno Epstein,
ro it~r of the Emes until his death in 1915; \Villiana Burcaug
is, English language announcer for the' Anglo-Ameri\.~
departmen.t of the \Ioscow rad.io until ?ctolwr, ~94.5;
fort. Bosse, ahas Alfred J. Brooks, mformational specialist
•>f ti he Communist International; JosC'ph Kowalski. head
Str le So\·iN penitentiary from 1920 to 1923; Anna Louise
7
ong, editor of the .\loscoic Daily Neics.
Si · Leading members of the Ameriean partv were asr.
v!pln ec]. bY t Il e Communist 1n ternational to p.o sts as CI
\Ve rescntatives in other countries. l ncludcd in this group
\r re; Ear! Browder, China, 1927, Spain, 1936-39; Philip
l\~n >erg, China; ~Jarry .\I. \Vicks, Germany and Latin
Jos er;ca, 1926; \Villiam F. Dunne, France and Germany;
c/P 1 Zaek Kornfoder, Latin ;\merica, 1932; Harrison
aino.rge, \Jontc\iclrn, 1926; Charlc•s Krumbein, Great Brithts
~<l. China, 1930; Hobert \linor, Spain, 1936-.'39; Nicho~
tc
1
°zt•nherg - Sen ict \lilitarv Intelligence, Hu mania,
'> 927-39. .
h<&tv. , l , e·'1<1.·m g members of the Communist Party, U SA ,
Int e Puhhslwcl articles in official organs of the Communist
Ii c'<<lti' rnati ona I and later the Cominform. Among t I1 ese pu h -
"nee o~s have been The Intemational PrC'SS CorrespondPor
' he Communist International, For a L<1sting Peace,
ht·ena People's Democracy. Among such contributors have
I. Arn A. B. Magil, Carl RC'eve, William L. Patterson,
9 ;c-r, \Jax Bedacht, Earl Browder, William Z. Foster.
\c·h~olsh~ .\Jarx-Lenin In.stitute a~1d other . Commtu~st
lQg . ll1 \ioscow have J:?;iven spee1al re\·olutwnary tra111-
1ve;e\~ith all expenses paid, to \nwrican Communists who
!>art} .tter assigned to important pmts by the Communist
' \.;S.\. Amon!( those so trained were: Carl Reeve,
};' .\t:r
s Font'' '\1 \1s, Jforclt, 1956
Charil's Krumlwin. Joseph Zack Kornfedcr, \Villiam Odell
'\o\\ell, Beatrict' Siskind, Clarence IIathawa), .\!orris
Childs, Harr) \I. \Vicks, \Iarccl Sherer, and Lovett Fort\
Vhitcman.
10. ThP Communist Party, CSA. has, since its birth,
rPcogniz('d the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as
its model and leading part~. In his hook, Toicard Sodet
America. published in 1932, William Z. Foster, presently
party chairman, has said:
Tlw Communist Party of the lJnitl'd Stall's 0 0 0 is the
.American s~:dion of the Communist Inkrnational 0
•
0 The
Communisl 111krnational is a disciplinl'd world party 0 0 0
Jls leading party, hy ,·irtuc of its gn•;.\t n·,·olutionary e\peri
«nn-, is the Russi.in Cornmunist Party (pp. 2!58, 25q)
In his llistory of the Communist Party of the United
States, published in 19.52, \\'illiam Z. Foster maintains
his thesis:
Ll'nin was also the architect and chief organizl'r of the
grl'al Russian Communist Party 0 0 0 It is incomparably the
most highly clcn•loped political organization in the hi.story of
111<1nkind 0 0 0 (p. J.51).
l n the Daily \l'orkcr of \lareh .5, 1939, the following
cabled <•ditorial from the Jloscow Pracda is reprinted:
The Com1111mist Party of t1H..' SoYid lTnion always was
and always will lw a model, an C\<lmplc for the Communist
partil'S of all countries .
At its meeting on December 3-.5, 1938, the National Committee
of the Communist Party, US.\., members \1·crc given
the follo\\inJ:?; instrnctions in regard to The Ilistory of the
Co1111111111i.1I Party of the' Soriet Union:
ll will lw thl' ta'k and dut) of lht• nwmbt'rship and orl(anizations
of tlw Con11m111ist Party in tlw ('Ollling- months to
org:111izt• and carry through the distribution of th(' minimum
of J00,000 copi"' of this book .
Testifying before the House Committee on Un-American
Acti1 itic:s on S('ptemh('r 8, 1939, Benjamin Gitlow, Communist
candidate for \'ice-Prc•siclent in 192-1 and 1928, a former
mt'mht'I" of the Political Committee of the Communist
Par(\, LS.-\. and of the exeeuti\ c committc·c• of the Communist
I nt('rnational, ckscribed the relationship between tl1e
Hussian Communist Part\ and the Communist International
\\ ith \\hich the CPUS . .\ was affiliated. as follows:
\\"lwrt'<IS the. ·\meriean party 0 0 0 had to carry out decisions
ol tlw Co11111111111st International (•:xplicitly, the Russian
party was gin•n a pri\il<.•gcd 1x>sition. Tlw Russian party was
pNmitted nol only lo re\ iew all dl'cisions of tlw Communist
lnlt'rnational, but, if 1wct'SS.lf), lo takt• it up in its political
c.·011H11ill<.'<' and to change th<'se <l<·cisions 0 0 0 and that dedsion
[of the Russian part)] becomes binding upon tlw P•trlil'S
of tlw Comnnmist J nkrnationa1.
Anotht'r important fact to be<tr in mind is that 0 0 0 the
n1ll·S goYerning the Communist International pn>Yidc that
wlwn<'n'r a p;.trty s<•nds n.•pn.'S<.'ntatin·s to tlw Communist
Inll'nl•ttional, or delegall'S to the l'Ongrl'SS<'s of the Communist
lnh'rnationi.11, those dd<·gaks cannot hl' instn1cted 0 0 0 The
only partr that has tlw right lo instntl'l its d<'kgat<·s to the
Communist International and to make thes<.' instructions bindin~
on tlw dt'le~aks is the Russian Communist Party 0 0 0
In othl'r words, tlwy han• huilt the Cornmunist International
organi:t•ttion in such a way that th<• Russians under no cir<.
·umstances can lose control of the Communist lnternationaJ.
The Suh\ ersivc Activities Control Board has found, on
the basis of the evidence, that -
All of llw heads of thl' Comint<'rn that are idt•ntifil'd in
the record l1<l\ c lwcn ll'adin!( members of the Communist
l'arl) of tlw O\it•t Union. (Rqxirt, p. 11.)
Alt'x:111dl'r Bittelman, a founder and leading member of
the national hoard of CPlJSA, has statt'd, in his pamphlet
Milestones in the llistory of the Co11111111nist Party:
The Communi;t Intcrn.1tional and its m(){ld p.trt} - the
Page 5
Communist Partr of the ovict Union - headed by Comrade
Stalin, gave us the guidance that helped the American Communists
to find the way to the masses and to the position of
, anguard ( p. 8). • 0 • The leading role of the Communist
Party of the Soviet Union needs neither explanation nor
.1pology. A Party that has opened up the epoch of the world
re,·olution, and that is successfully building a classless society
on one-sixth of the earth, is cheerfully recognized and followed
as the leading Party of the world ( p. 21).
11. From its very inception, the Communist Party, USA,
has received instructions and directives from Moscow,
the headquarters of the Communist International, on such
important matters as the following:
(a) :\Ierger of the Communist Party of America and
the Communist Labor Party ( 1920).
(b) Combining legal and illegal work (1922).
( c) Campaign in behalf of political prisoners ( 1923).
(d) Establishment of the Daily Worker (1923).
(e) Establishment of the Workers Party of America
as the legal branch of the Communist Party ( 1923).
(f) :\lerger of Proletarian Party of America with the
Workers Party of America ( 1923).
( g) Praising achievements of the party ( 1923, 1924).
(h) Attitude toward the LaFollette movement (1924).
( i) Fusing together the foreign language sections of
the party ( 1925).
(;) Reorganization of the party on a shop nuclei
basis ( 1925).
(k) Trade union activity ( 1925).
(l) Sending of an American trade union delegation
to the USSR ( 1925).
(m) Removal of Daily Worker and party headquarters
from Chicago to ew York ( 1926).
(n) Attitude of the American party toward the
r\icaraguan situation ( 1928).
(o) Celebration of international holidays (1928).
( p) Permission to hold a national convention ( 1928).
( q) International Red Day campaign ( 1929).
(r) Trade Union Unity Convention (1929).
(s) Gastonia campaign ( 1929).
(t) Work among the miners (1929).
(u) All-America Anti-Imperialist League (1929).
(v) Liquidation of party factions ( 1929).
(w) Recall of the executive secretary of the CPUSA
( 1929).
(x) Changes in the party secretariat ( 1929).
(y) Address containing instructions from the Communist
International directly to the members of the
CPUSA (1929).
(;:;) Cablegram of instructions from the Young Communist
International to the Youn(( Communist League
of the USA ( 1929).
( aa) Criticism of issues of the Daily Worker ( 193.3).
(bb) Formation of a third party (19.3.5).
12. The official litcrahire of the Communist Party, USA
(Daily Worker, Political Affairs, etc.), has paralleled the
line of Soviet publications (Pravda, Izvestia, New Times,
etc.) from the foundation of the party to date. This parallelism
has been maintained throughout all Buch1ations in
Soviet policy: for and against the League of ations, for
and against cooperation with the democracies against
Fascist aggression, for and against peaceful coexistence,
etc. American Communist publications have even reprinted
articles from these Soviet publications for the guidance
of their readers. The Subversive Activities Control Board
has held that:
, . Rcspondc·nt has established a press in the United States
patterned alter that in the Soviet Union which operates as a
means of setting forth for Respondent's members the correct
line as laid down by the Soviet Union;
8. The press in the Soviet Union and the journal of th<'
Communist Information Bureau are major communication
means whereby dircctivc•s and instructions of the Sovie•!
Union arc issued to Respondent 0 0 0
The Attorney General, in his petition to the Subversh·c
Activities Control Board, has stated:
Throughout its existcnt'c tht' Communist Party Ot'\'Cr
knowingly has deviated from the views and policies of the
government and Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the
Communist International, the Communist Information Bureau
and other leaders of the world Communist movement. Whenever
such views and policic·s have conflicted with the position
taken by the Government of the United States, the Communist
Party has opposed the position of the United States
(Report, p. 79).
13. The Attorney General, in his petition to the Subvcr·
sive Activities Control Board, has further stated:
The Communist Party regularly reports and has rcport<'d
to the government and Communist Party of the Soviet Union
and to the Communist International and the Communist
Information Bureau 0 0 0 (Report, p. 89).
Such reports were printed in official organs of the Coinn1ll'
nist International and the Cominform such as Tlie Int er·
national Press Correspondence, For a Lasting Peace, for~
People's Democracy, etc. CPUSA leaders William Z. F0
:'·
ter and Alexander Bittelman submitted such reports i
11
1926, Benjamin Gitlow in 1927, 1928, and 1929, and EM
Browder, in 1932. 'lt·
14. The Communist Party, USA, has accepted the st•
utes set down by the Communist lntcrnationa~ in .~ l os~''J
The Communist Party - a Manual on Organization b} .
Peters formerly CPUSA representative in that city a00
forme~ head of the Communist underground in the Unit1
'
States, states that he has depended, for the material in th
manual, upon the "resolutions and decisions on the q111"
tion of organization adopted by the Second Organizatio11·
Conference of the Communist International." The SeC01'.
Congress of the Communist International held in 19~
decided that -
All the parties and organizations comprising the Comn1t1·
nist International h<·ar the nanw of th!' Communist Party of
the given country (section of tlw Communist International)
In line with this decision, the American party designa1'
11
itself as a "section of the Communist International" uO
the party's disaffiliation to circumvent the Voorhis Act
1
1940. r
Article 3, section l, of the constitution of the \,York~,
(Communist) Party declared that a membership rcQ111
ment is acceptance of -
the program and statutc·s of the Communist I ntcrnational and
of the \Yorkers (Communist) Party 0 0 0
15. Point 15 of the Conditions of Admission to the O~
munist International, adopted in 1920 and accepted b)
1
American Communist Party, was the provision that -
the program of each party bc•longing to the Communist Jntrr·
national should be confirmed by the nc't congrc·ss of th<
Communist International or its Executive Committee. ·o
16. At conventions of the CPU SA, fraternal grcctt tt
were exchanged between the American party and .,
Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Subver5
',
Activities Control Board notes such interehangeS 11
CPUSA com·entions in 1921, 1927, 1929, and 1950 (IM"
pp. 95-93) . ~
17. In his p tition to the Subversive Activities C00
Board the Attorney General held as follows as to the '
1
ciplinary power to which the CPUS!\ is subordirn1tcd:
I·
filing
Part)
ciplir
Part)
llw (
This cl
bring a
the CF
rnernhe
Wig Lo
D. \Vol
as well
as a
1rrcct
f the
:a ti on
;odd
ne\'cr
,f the
l, the
ureau
l'hen-
1sition
rnmu·
States
Sub\"er·
)()rt<'cl
Union
nunist
Comrn11•
1e Inter·
:e, For 0
z. fo~·
ports i11
lnd E•1r
the st•11·
1osC011
01i by I
city ao't
e Unitl"
al in th•
he q11C1
1izatioil·
~ SeC011
in 19~
0111111\1·
art1 of
.ional)
, signn1'
ial" 11111
iis Act'
worker
1 rcqt1ir<
the co~
ed h)' 1
that-t
Inter·
of th'
grec tiJiIt'
and .1 ubvers'
angcs '
I ( JleP'''
l~ co11~,
0th£' l
natrtl:
From the inception of the organization to th(' clak of the
filing of this p<'lition, the principal b1ders of tlw Communist
Party han· h(·t•n and arc subjt•ct to and rc('Ognize the clisc:
iplinary power of the ovi(•t government, th<' Communist
Party of tlw So\·iet Union, tlw Communist International and
th(• Communist Information Burf'au 0 0 0 (Rcp0rt, p. 99).
This disciplinary power has been sufficiently strong to
bring about the expulsion of two ('xecutive secretaries of
the CPUSA, namely Jay Lovestone and Earl Browder,
members of the partv's executive committee such as Ludwig
Lore, James P. Cannon, \Villiam F. Dunne, Bertram
D. Wolfe, Benjamin Gitlow, and Joseph Zack Kornfcder,
as well as entire sections of the organization.
POLITICAL PARTY OR Co~ PIHACY
Sine(' the Communist Party, USA, is in fact simply the
i\merican branch of the Hussian Communist Partv, it follows
faithfully the conspiratorial pattern laid dO\~n by its
Parrnt hodv.
_The Hus.~ian Communist Party, the focal point and radiating
C(•nt(•r of the international Communist movement,
ow<'s its inception to V. T. Lenin, its guiding genius on
~alters of organization. The principles upon which the
Communist mon•m(•nt was founded were therefore based
Primarily upon his experience with the czarist regime
under which the labor and socialist movem(•nts were illegal
ancl the rights to freedom of speech, press and assembly
~ere non(",istent. \\'idespread discontent of the laboring
c asses and the peasantry could find no legal outlet or
remecl), with thP n•sult that attempted assassinations of
govt·rnm(•nt officials and even of the Czar, wert• not unt'Ominon.
L(•nin's own brother was executed as a rt•sult of
on? sueh an attempted assassination. In this atmosphere
~t is understandable that Lenin envisaged an organization
adaptpd to tlw specific purpose of violent overthrow of his
~\~·n W>V<•rnmcnt. :\'eccssarily, therefore, this movement
;·ls l'onspiratorial. In his authoritative work \\Thal ls To
e Do11e, published in Fehruarv, 1902, in reference to
Party organization, Lenin laid do~vn the principle that -
~~~llS~irnt} i.., so (•ssential a c:ondition of an organiz;ltion of
f 11
" kind that all otlwr eond1tions 0 0 0 must hl' made to eononn
with it.
nl0<ht} the Communist mo,cment is no longer an insign'.
tt~ant Hussian sect fighting against czarism, hut an intercis~?
naJ men enwnt st:cking world con<.111c·st and more speit.
'1
]]} tlw dc•struct1011 of the Amen can government as
u~ chit'f ohstaelt•. TTence the Communist Party, USA, as
d organic• part of that movement dedieated to the same
l :st~·uc.ti, c pur1>ost', has necessarilv assunwd the same
''nl . . . . . f th nist conspiratorial guis<•. Tlw other charactenst1cs o
~~ nio, rnwnt flow logically from this basic conception ..
er;/. Way of contrast, '\merican political parties, despite
tu]]~c~sn1s tlw} may make of pu hlic polic), are fumlame_nlu\\."
· O} al to our form of go' ernnwnt and conform to its
"ci .s. Th<·y n·h upon the duh constituted agencies of our ,., \:(ltl} . • .
for rnt•nt and the operation of otrr cit'mocrat1c processes
th<• corrcetion of griC\'<lllCt's.
\ln,JTAl1Y ASPHT
Pt•A.inciican political parties carry on their acti,·ities by
'
1l'<•fu] · I I t in iv). nwa11s within the confines of our ega struc ure
11p0
11
ch the} han· full faith. The Communist Party looks
thron .011r gO\ t'rnnwnt as ils <·1wmy which it seeks to over'
Jii·t
11
by forceful means. Hence, it is organized along
n'· tti'oYn-·r nI ilitar1. lint's. The 1>ro,.," ram of the Communist Inter-tire•
Cpl. adopted at its s_i,th congress in 1928, endorsed h):
1n'.t( I( •tli .S \, and neYcr smct' re1rnd1atcd or su1wrseded, has
lrs plain h} calling for
f\,.
ts l<'o1n "
a combination of strik(•s and armed demonstrations and finally,
the gt·neral stril..:c co-jointly with ~•rmt·d insurn•ction
against thl' stale power of the bourgoisie (i.e., capitalists).
The lattc.•r form of str11gglt', which is the supreme form, must
he conducted according to rules of milit:lr} sci('ll<'(' 0 0 0 •
Writing on "Lenin's Conception of the Party," in the
January, 193.J, issue of The Co111m1111isf, official theoretical
organ of the Communist Party, USA, F. Bro" n, alias Alpi,
a well-kno\\ n representative of the Communist International,
emphasizes this point. He holds up a modern army
as "a good example of organization" which "knows how
to impart a single will to millions of people."
DISC!PLIXE
Our traditional poltical parties arc loose organizations
operating under a 'ery fluid and flexible discipline. ~1embcrs
and lt>aders will differ sharply with each other and
still remain within tlw same organization.
Lenin concci\"C•d the Communist Party, however, as an
organization which -
will b<• ahl<· to fulfill its duty onl)· if it will h<• organized in
the most t•t•ntralizcd nlilnner, if it \\'ill lw gon·rn('(I hy an iron
disciplin(•, hord(•ring on military discipline 0 0 0 (Conditions
for Affiliation to the Comintern).
"\Vhy do the Communists attach so much importance to
discipline?" asks J. Peters in his authoritative pamphlet,
The Comm1111ist Party - a :\la1111a/ on Orga11i;::,atio11, and
he answers this question as follo\\·s:
Because without discipline there is no unit> of will, no unity
of ~lc:lion. 0 0 0 The class \\ar is bitter. The encrn~· is powerful.
0 0 0 In order to <:omhat and defeat this pmn•rful enemy, the
anni of th<' proldariat must ha\c a highly skill<•d, trained
Cm<'ral Staff [the Communist Part)]. which is united in
a<:tion ;.tnd has orw will.
Again Peters pointedly asks, "How can the Anny fight
against the arm) of the enemy if e,·er) soldier in the Army
is allowed to question and even disobey onlt•rs of his superior
o!fict•rs?" Tht• Communist Party, L'SA, has therefore
not lwsitated to e\pel even its higJ{est officials for actual
or suspected de' iation from the official line of \loscow. In
Hussia and other Communist countries such deYiationists
have been shot. Communist leaders ha,·c frequently r<'fcrrcd
to till' part} with pride as monolithic.
Al'TllOHITY AT THE TOP
Political parties as wt• know them arc highl) responsive
to the sentiment of their constituents and of the A.merican
people as a whole. They encourage independence and initiatin•.
They are esscntiall) democratic in their approach
to the rank and file of party membership. Initiative and
pressure eomc from below.
In eonfonnance "ith its military character and objectives,
the Communist Part) is organized from the top
do\111. It is cssrntiall) undemocratic. The flo" of its directives
and stratt•gy proceeds from its highly centralized
leadership in tilt' Hussian Communist Part} h} way of the
Cominform to tlw similar!) centralizt•d leadership within
the national hoard of the Communist Part), US\, and then
on clown to the lower levels of the organization. \s J. Peters
has pointed out to his fellow members of the Communist
Part) , US.\, in his ~ll11n11al on Organi::.ation, "All lower
Party organizations are subordinated to the higher bodies."
The l'rogramnw of the Communist International is
quoted from l'etitio1lt'rs E\hihit 12.5 h) tlw Subversive
Activities Control Board to sho" that the Communist
Parties arc organized on the basis of dcmoeratic central-ism:
Tlw Communist l11tl'rn;1tional ancl ib St"dions .1n.· huilt 11p
on the basis of dl'mocratic centralism, the fundanwntal principles
of whkh arc: (a) Election of all leading commitkl'S of
the Party • • •; ( h) periodical reports hy leading Party committees
to their constituents; ( c) decisions of superior Party
c:ommittees to he ohlig1.ttory for subordinate committec·s, strict
Party discipline and prompt execution of the decisions of the
Communist Intern;ttional, of its leading committees and of tlw
leading Party centres.
Party questions may be discussed hy the members of the
Party and by Party organizations until such time as a decision
is taken upon th,.m hy the compctl'nt Party committcc·s. After
a decision has h<·en tak<·n by the Congress of the Communist
International, hy the Congress of the respective Sections, or
hy leading committ<·('S of the Comintcm, and of its ,·arious
Sec:tions. thcs<' dt'<:isions must be unreservedly carried out
c,·cn if a Section of tlw Party membership or of the local
Party organiz.ttions arc in disagreement with it. ( p. 56).
In his work entitled One Step Forward, Tu;o Steps
Back, published in 1904, Lenin ridiculed political parties
which "proceed from the bottom upwards" and stressed
the superiority of a party which "strives to proceed from
the top downwards, insisting on the extension of the rights
and authority of the centre over the parts."
In a debate with Lenin as carlv as 1904 Leon Trotskv
outlined with remarkable foresight the type of organizatio~
which Lenin cn\'isaged. In Lenin's scheme the party takes
the place of the working class. The party organization displaces
the party. The Central Committee displaces the
party organization, and Snail} the Dictator displaces the
Central Committee.
Excu:stvE :\lnrnERSillP
:\lembcrship in our traditional political parties is easily
obtainable and comparatively unrestricted. This is not true
of the Communist Party, which is highly exclusive and
restricted to those who pass its rigid membership requirements.
ln "'hat ls To Be Done? Lenin outlined his conception
of the exclusiveness of the Communist Party, which has
been a standard guide for Communists throughout the
world. He declared that -
the rnore narrou: we make the membership of this organization,
allowing only such persons to be members who arc
engaged in rnolution as a profession and who have been
professionally train<'d in the art of comhattinll the political
police, the more diflicult it will he to "catch" the org;tniz.1-
tion. o o o
PROFESSIO:\'AL RE\'OLUTTO:\'lSTS
A member of an American political party, as a rule, has
many other interests, including his club, his church, his
\\Ork, his friends, and his family. Communists, on the other
hand, arc expected to be professional revolutionists who,
as Lenin announc<•d in his paper, the Iskra ( park) in
December, 1900, :\o. 1, "shall devote to the revolution not
onl~ their spare e\·cnings, hut the whole of their li,·es."
Few Americans realize what this means since no bona
fide political part} would dare to make such demands upon
its members. Speaking for the Communfat Part}, USA, in
his :\fanual on Organi::ation, J. Peters explains:
A profossional revolutionist is rc·ady to go \vhent.'\'t•r and
wherever the Party sc·ncls him. Today he may he working in
.t rnine, org1_mizing the Party, the trade unions, leading:
struggles; tomorrow, if the Party so decides, he may ll!' in a
st<·d mill; the clay aft<•r tomorrow, he may be a leader and
organizer of the un(·mplo}·ed 0 0 0
• From tlWS(' comrades
the P•trlY cl<'m•mcls eH'rything. Th1·y accept Party assignments
- the mattc·r of family associations and other per<0nal prohlt
·ms arc consicler<'cl. hut ar<' not cl<'cisiw. If the class stniggll'
cl<•mancls it, II!' will l1•a\!" his famil>· for months, cH·n y1·,irs
0 0 0 • Our task is to male l'\'(•ry Party member a professional
n.·\ olutionist in this st·ns(•.
J. V. Peters, described
by Whittaker Chambers
as head of the
Communist underground
in the USA.
WIDF. wonr.o PllOTO
brPOHTA'<'CE OF THEORY
1 'one of our American political parties is so fanatically
bound h} dogma as is the Communist Party, which is
devoted to the theories of \larxism-Lcninism-Stalinisn1
·
Briefly this dogma is based upon the following fa]sr
conceptions: I
l. That all phases of American life, industry, educn·
tion, religion, politics, the press, radio and films, e\'C11
family life, are dominated primarily by an irreconcilabk
class struggle between the capitalists and the workers·
2. That our system of free capitalist enterprise (which
has produced for the American people the highest livin~
standards in the world), has actually outlived its usr·
fulncss and must be destroyed.
3. That the system of communism (with its sln' 1
labor camps, low living standards, and one-party dict•1
·
tors hip over e\·cry phase of human life) is superior 1
'
and must take the place of our system of free enterprise
thus abolishing the class struggle for all time. f
4. That American democracy is not a government 0
by, and for the American people hut a capitalist diet.I·
torship, which must be destroyed. .
5. That this change to communism and a classic~·
society can be brought about only by the violent orrr·
throw of the capitalist system and our form of goverP·
m~t t
6. That the Communist Party is destined to carr)' 0
11
this historic mission.
7. That Communists owe their highest and unrcscr'·r<
loyalt}· to the Soviet Union, where the Communist S)'.
tern has been finally established.
For tactical reasons these conceptions may be sli((ht~'
modified by the ruling hierarchy or disguised to a,·oI~
legal prosecution, but the basic principles remain the snP
1
and arc returned to when a t<'mporary emergency h•''
passed. Thus, the Communist Party, SA, advocated
operation with the capitalists and with American defll't<
racy when Russia faced destruction from Adolph JiitJ;·
only to return to its former hostility to capitalism when
11
war was over and Hitler was destroyed. .
This chain of dogma is the framt' of reference by ,,·h1
•
the Communist interprets the world around him and 111~!'
out his bclun·ior. It provides him with a clear perspec11
'
of his present and future battles. It indicates the ~(li
toward which he is striving and which justifies every 1nr'1
1
FACTS Font\! ~Ews, ;\fare/I, lg.JI
from tn
inspirin
Amer
tion car
that car
a low el
The (
every d:
full-tim<
campaig
America
agents n
0Pportm
of civil
church,
S1
o po
consciou
lllunist F
charactc1
lllakes ti
n.i<Jues. 1
siderabl
Zation. F
organs, k
as Well
organizat
Party mt
national I
s?llle pa1
rial and 1
country f
}n 193.5 ti
,; Peters
~very C
organizat
organizat
blSll1.E l
Our po
a rule m
affairs' or
not
is gcncr
true in
Corn
control~~
class Th·
and· I!
ivo Prof,
~en's!
llohtica]
Irate P
t encn
ltre its st
1(11ards 't to. IS
tnSJtrat
i In a lett,
0~g With
• ganizati
ralll'S I
\ I d I
Pre4a As
~ates i~ st
i· consider
1lto n tow1
I> <\r-rs Fo
escribed
:ham·
f the
derUSA.
aticall)
hich i'
ilinisn1.
g fa]sf
educ•1·
s, e,·e11
1cilahlt
1orker1·
(which
t )ivi11¢
its use·
s sla,·c
y dict<I
erior tr
:erprist
nent of.
t dict·1·
~lassie''
nt o,·er·
govero·
ot arrY 0
·escr'·c<1
nist sY"
• ~rom treason to murder. It offers a powerful political myth
inspiring Communists with fanatical zeal.
A FuLL-T1'rn 0nCA'iIZATI0"1
. American political parties arc usually active during election
campaigns. Th(•ir primary function is to elect this or
that candidate to office. Between campaigns activity is at
a low ebb.
The Communist Partv functions at all times of the vear,
every day of the week: and at all hours of the day. It is a
full-time organization which is not resb·icted to election
campaigns. It persistently seeks to permeate C\'Cry phase of
American life for its own subversive purpose. Communist
agents may be found wherever and whenever there is an
opportunity for Communist propaganda or the promotion
of civil strife, whether it he the factorv, the union, the
church, the school, or the neighborhood.
SuPEnSE'\S1nv1TY ON OncA'iTZATJON i\fATTEHS
o political party in this country ever was so supremely
conscious of the mechanics of organization as is the Comlhunist
Party. This is a demonstration of its quasi-military
character. Like an army, it pays marked attention to what
~akes the wheels go round and to organizational techn_
icl.ues. The Communist International has published consid~
rable literature dealing specifically with party organization.
From time to time the party has published special
organs, known as the Party Organizer and later as Contact,
as Well as pamphlets and articles, dealing with purely
organizational problems and intended only for the eyes of
Party members. Every convention and meeting of the
national committee of the Communist Party is devoted in
5
?7e part to organizational questions. Voluminous materia
and directives on such matters have been sent to this
~ountry from \loscow for the use of the American party.
Jn l9.l5 the part} published its Manual 011 Organization by E Peters, after he had spent years of study in i\foscow.
Very Communist unit and front organization has its
Organizational director, a post peculiar to this type of
organization.
DE:S 11\E TO Co,rnoL 011 DESTHOY 0TJIEl1 OncA,lZATlO!\'S
a Our political parties respect oth('r organizations and, as
aft~le, make little effort to interfere with their internal
no airs or to conb·ol them. Traditional political parties do
is t generally penetrate other political parties. The reverse
Ctru e · 111 the case of the Communist Party.
co 0mmunists look upon all organizations not under their
cl ntro] as instrumentalities of the enemy, of the ruling a:J5
· This h~lcls true for.the. government, the unions, ~ivic
ivorn P~ofc s1onal orga111zat1ons, fraternal orga111zat10ns,
Po]· ~n s groups, youth groups, religious groups, and even
tratlhca] parties. T n warfare it is standard practice to penet11r
e .enemy territory and dislocate its machinery or cap''
u e Its strongholds. The Communist Party, while it safe-
"to <i trd s i·t s own ranks against penetration, does not hesi· tate
l nflJtrate other organizations.
ing n a .1 tter to a comrade written in September, 1902, dealOrg
· "".1th organizational problems, Lenin called for an
• '
1ra n.1z·1t· h · I " b · · I · II " d 6 • ion w 1c 1 must c consp1ratona rnterna y an
sprrni ed externallv" witl1 "feelers" stretclwd far and \vide-ead
As ,
llat . · such an organization the Communist Party alter-it
ces 1 ~ strategy between a soft policy toward those whom
liti~nsiders currently useful and a policy of militant oppo-n
toward those "horn it considers as current obstacles.
t' .\(""
· Font,,1
DECFPTIO' AS A .\IETHOD
Fully aware that if it appeared openly in its trnc guise
as a bridgehead of a hostile, foreign dictatorship, the Communist
Party, USA, would attract little support, its methods
arc based primarily upon deception. This approach is
inherent in the Communist movement and was laid clown
by Lenin in his work "Left-,Ving" Comm1111ism: An Infantile
Disorder, first printed in Russia in April, 1920, in which
he declares:
It is nC'<·t·ssar> to agre!' to any and <'H'r)' sacrific!', and
en•n - if net·d he - to resort to all sorts of cl"' ices, manocuvn
·s, and illegal m<:thods, to evasion and suhkrfuge. 0 0 0
Hence the Communist Party, pro-Soviet always, never-theless
calls itself the party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln.
It operates behind the scenes of the Progressive
Party and the American Labor Partv. Its members resort
to aliases and deny their affiliation. it builds up numerous
front organizations with attracti,·e labels to ensnare the
unwary in its various campaigns. Its leaders do not hesitate
to deceive their own members as to the party's real nature
and purpose.
ALWAYS o' THE Orri::,SI\'E
'Well-intentioned but nah·c indi\·iduals arc constanth·
deploring the fact that Communists rudely r('jC'ct thei'r
amicable advances for good will and cooperation. They are
wont to blame themselves or our own national policy for
lack of response to their friendly overtures. They do not
understand that the Communist Party, US.\, looks upon
itself as being in the nature of a reconnaissance and commando
force operating in enemy territor} in behalf of the
Soviet fathC'rland. In accordance with this concept, just
as in the case of an ach1al military detachment of a hostile,
foreign foe based upon American soil, correct military
strategy would call for a constant offensive against us, so
the Communist Party stays constantly on the offensive
against all who refuse to do its biddin!-(. This approach
is clearly outlined b) Lenin in his Works, rnlume VI,
page 291:
Tht• cldt·nsl\l' is the death of t·,·cry ann<·cl uprismg; it is
lost before it measun:s itself with its enemies. Surprii,c your
antagonists whil(• thdr forces are scattering-, pn·pan• rn.•w succ<•
sses, howt•\'!'r small, but daily; • • • in the words of Danton,
tlw greatt•st masl<'r of rC'volutionarr policy y!'t known,
de l'm1dacc, de /'a11dace, encore de l'audace/ (audacity, audacity,
more aud,1city).
Unaware of the philosophy behind Communist tactics,
unsophisticated and softhearted liberals arc sometimes
stunned by the barrage of invective which greets their
well-meant advances. They are unmindful of Lenin's effort
to arouse among his followers a "passion for political denunciation,''
a field in which he was a master. This will
explain why a Communist always seem to carry a chip on
his shoulder.
This note of belligerence is echoed by J. Peters in the
Co1111111111ist Party - o Jlo1111al 011 Organi;::(ltio11, where he
indicates that the party -
Unit as a whole and <'\·cry incli, idual member of the Unit
should be known hy the workers in the street or town as fearless
fight<•rs • • •.
The party operates on the theory that "He who is not with
us, is against us."
PLANXL'\G AHEAD
\Vithin the ommunist Partv USA C'\·cn step is planned
in detail from the smallest cluiJ'or unlt in the United States
to the highest echelons of the international Communist
apparatus in :\Ioscow - sometimes months or years in
a(h·;mcc. :\othing is left to whim or circumstance. In part
this is a reflection of the quasi-military character of the
party. In part it is a carryover from the Russians and their
passion for planning.
For example, a number of Communist leaders now in
the forefront of the rcvolutionarv movement in the Far
East were educated and kept "on ice" for years in :\loscow
until the right moment. The program of the Communist
Intcrmttional adopted by its sixth congress in 19:28 stands
toda)' as a definitive guide upon which present-day acthitics
of the Communist movement in all parts of the world
arc based. In the current struggle of democracy against
the Communist menace, it would be suicidal to overlook
this basic fact. H cncc the need for a diligent study of
standard Communist literature by all its opponents.
RED ELITE
Despite the fact that it has brought misery and slavery
whcre,·cr it has established its power, no American political
party is as fervently imbued with its mission as is the
WIDE WORl.ll PllOTO
''We Communists," declared Joseph Stalin at Lenin's funeral in 1924,
"are men of a special mould. We are made of special material."
Pictured above, left to right, ore Stalin, Trotsky, and Lenin.
Communist Party. This conceit extends down to its rankand-
file members, encouraged and stimulated by Communist
leaders throughout the world.
The Party-said
Lenin in his "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile
Disorder-is
the highest form of tlw class organization of the proll'tariat;
1t should lead all the other forms of proletarian organintions.
"\\'c Communists," declared Joseph Stalin at Lenin's
funeral in 19:24, "arc people of a special mould. We arc
made of special material. \Ve are those who comprise the
army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Lenin.
There is nothing higher than belonging to this army."
. .\!though the Communists have been repudiated bv
labor throughout the world, Communist Partv literature i.s
replete "·ith references to itself as "the leader ;nd organizer
of the proletariat," "the vanguard of the working class,"
c\ en reaching the point where it is characterized as "the
most complete bearer of the great achievements of tens of
centuries of the rise of the human mind and its mastery
of the earth."
l'iDIVIDUAL HESPO'iSIBfLJTY
Il~· and large American political parties are loose organizations
in which indh·idual aceountabilih· is at a minimum.
The Communist Party member, on the other hand, is never
a free agent. He is held strictly responsible for his acts by
his party superiors. This is a continuing process which
places every party member and leader on the anxious
seat at all times.
As Lenin pointed out in his work ·w1iat Is To Be Done?
in February, 190:2, reprinted and accepted as mandatory by
all Communist Parties ever since, party members -
arc keenly alive to their responsibility, knowing from experience
that in order to gl't rid of an undesirable member, an
organization of true rnolutionarics will stop at nothing.
He stressed the fact that such an organization "punishes
with merciless severity every abuse of duty by a comrade.
• • •" Penalties imposed have run all the way from censure
or expulsion to murder.
CO'iTROL DY IlLACK,fAIL
Outside of the Communist movement, especially in
naive liberal circles, there is a prevailing illusion that Corn·
munist discipline is primarily based upon high idealism
and conviction. However, the chief conspirators in the
Kremlin are not so impractical as to rely upon such fortui·
tous and changing factors. They have too much at stake·
Therefore a much more reliable instrument is employed.
namely, blackmail. With the aid of extensive files contintt·
ously augmented, showing every personal foible and rnis·
step, every deviation from the party line, the threat of
compromise or exposure affords an alternative means of
insuring obedience.
AT'.COSPIIERE OF D1 TRICT
The Communist Party is permeated with an atmosphere
of distrust toward every individual party member. Hence
mcm hers and leaders arc su bjcct to a process of continuot1>
checkup, totally at variance with procedure in our politic•1l
parties. This is done through annual or more frequent
registrations, internal purges and demands for reports
~!embers are expected to attend classes regularly and td
keep abreast of official party literature in order to gu:1r
against any possible defection from the current party Iu1e
A Dt\' IS!VE PAHTY
Wherever the Communist Party makes its appearance, ii
serves as a force for division and friction, following the
theon of divide and rule. Thus it seeks to alienate th<
Unit~d States from its potential allies. Internally it thri>l''
upon promoting clashes: Between employer and employ~
landlord and tenant, white and cgro, native-born nil
foreigner, Catholic, Protestant and Jew; behvcen the Amer:
ican people and their government, and within every 11°
11
Communist organization.
ATTITUDE TowAHD THE Con:n:-.:-m:-;T AND
A'.IERICA:\ hSTITUTIO:\S
Political parties as we know them in American life f11'
11
differ sharply with each other. The party not in office n1
'
11
criticize the current administration unsparingly. Ilut fund·
mentally both the Democratic and Hepublican Parties 11~
loyal to our form of government as it is presently coI1'
11
tutcd. '.ot s? with the Communist Party. . {.'
Running hke a red thread through Communist teach111
J
from the very inception of the movement is the note 1
1
total h?stili~ to our ~orm of government. For example,~~'.
following points are included among the fundament;1l tn·
of the econd Congress of the Communist Intcrnati011
•
deliwred July 4, 19:20:
th<: ,;oll'nt 01·crthrow of th<• bourgroi_sit• [capitalist], the t<>0~
fisc.1tion of its prop<:rty, tlw d<'strutt1on of tlw whole of th
FArl'S Fom \! ~1:ws, 'fare/I, 1
¢
hourg
ta11·,
pal, e
In a
of the 1
A.mericc.
c.
ll'tarfo
ilrt• SI
(p. 27
\f. J.
com mitt
nist) Fr
tn1mism
legislati;
institutic
c:apitalis
ery o o
As sh<
the heel
display
Com111ur
Foster's
dictators
be light!
hp dc·cla;
L'rn
<-.1n, !)
d.,t .. d
of th,:
0ruani1
indudi1
rotary 1
ordcTs i
""" t·t(
Our Ar
Pt1hlic oA
of lov·ilt
Th e C" om)
ethics sh
struggle
"A''c e Ore Ii n' 1
th ll1or·'1 l' · I
C O]d \I
Particul·ir
t·o •
nc('ptio
lllttn· 'O tst t<'I
llr the lllor
class ,
Sp<'cifl.
\p]v IC
ti cs iust
1e •
t lntc•rp
'JC'cn
r •f def~ ( 115
II c to I av to ing hi
. Pcnc•tr
Ure, to th
cts by
wMch
nxious
Done?
Dry by
I ri'
an
mishes
·nradc.
n cen·
lily in
t Corn·
lcalisn1
in the
forhti·
: stake.
ployed.
ontint1·
id rnis·
rcat of
~ans of
>sphere
Jiencc
tinuoll5
iolitic•1l
reqticot
reports.
and to
> gunrd
rty JiOt"
hourg"ois st.it<• apparatus from top to bottom - parliamentary,
judicial, military, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal,
etc.
In a similar vein, \Villiam Z. Foster, present chairman
of the CPUSA, has written in his hook, Toward Soviet
America:
Capitalist governments have nothing in common with proktarian
gon•rnments 0 0 0
• In the n..·,·olutionary stn1gglc th('y
arl' smash<•cl and Soviet governnwnts established • • •"
(p. 271).
~I. J. Olgin, a former member of the central executive
committee of the CPUSA and an editor of the ( Communist)
Freiheit, stated succinctly in his book, Why Communism,
the e'<1ct purpose of the Communists in entering
~egislati\e bodies. He said, "We go to the law-making
Institutions, not to tinker them up for the benefit of the
tapitalists, hut to be a monkcv wrench in their machin-ery
o o o ." ~
As shown by experience in countries which are under
tl~e heel of a Communist dictatorship, the Communists
display the same implacable hostility toward all nonCommunist
parties and institutions. Thus, 'Villiam Z.
Foster's pledge in regard to what he envisages under the
dictatorship of the proletariat in the United States cannot
bh(' lightly dismissed. In this \\'Ork, Toicard Sodet America,
c· clC>c:larcd:
L'nckr tlH' dictatorship all tlH' ('<lpit,dist parti<•s Rl'publi
«tn, D<:moc·ratk', ProgrC'ssive, Socialist, etc. will lw 1iquicl.
1t"cl, the Communist Party functioning alorn• as the Party
of the toiling masses. Lih-wise, will hl' clissoh eel all other
<>ri::anizations th,1t arc political props of the bourgeois rnle,
111duding t'hambcrs of comff1C'rCC', employ(•rs' associations,
rotary dubs, American Legion, Y.~l.C.I\., and such fraternal
;irckrs as tlH' \filsons, Odd Fellows, Elks, Knii::hts of Columllls,
<·k. ( p. 275).
Tm: E.-.;o JusTIFILS TIJE \li:Ao-;s
Pui)ur ,\mC'rican political partil'S may clash over issue's. or
of >lie office. '\everthcless there is a certain coclc of ethics,
'fl loyalty which is generally recognizccl ancl adhered to.
etJl~ Communists have no such scruples. They hclievc that
st lies should be completely subordinated to the class
'\ rugglc, that is to say to the Communist movement.
~ ;corclin!( to The Sor;iet Short Philosophical Dictionary,
th llloral' is nnly that which facilitates the destruction of
p e old worlcl," which means om democratic world and
e articularly the nitcd States. "j\Ioral," according to this
~nc~·ption, "is only that which sh·cngthcns the new Com'
oinist regime'." Again, Lenin has saicl to Communist youth,
tlictir morality is rntircly subordinated to thC' intC'rests of
S cla~s struggle."
l{•i\~('c.1 fieally this means that Communists co1~sidC'r the~th
. 5 Jllshfic•d in violating any ancl every ethical code m
b(:. 1nterc>st of what they consider a "higher" cause. Having
rc'f~n defeated by a legitimate majority vote thC>y will
Ii IJ~e to recognize it and press their original contention.
to av1ng I> een expC>Iled from an organi·z ati·o n, t Ii cy w1· 11 try
UrePcnc•tratc through other channels. Solemn agreements
' to thC'm, merely scraps of paper.
Coo-;FoH,rANCE TO PATT1-.11"1
s1<~Zlitil'a] partic•s as we know them vary in eharacter from
%t to state• and from country to country. The Commu"""
r ·l <tPti arty conforms strictly to 1x1ttc•rn with some slight 11nc1, ons for purposes of local camouflage. Those who
the <rstancl the main outline and underlying prineiplcs of
the P'.trty in one country or locality, \\'ho an' famiJi,1r with
P·11ty line from ommunist publications, can readily
t··~
ci, Fon\·,1
understand and follow the identical pattern of the party as
it appears everywhere, and even predict it.
RE\'OLUTIO:'\AHY ~lL'\'OH!TY
It is impossible to understand the nature and activities
of the Communist Party, USA, without appreciating the
fact that it is primarily a revolutionary minority seeking to
perpetrate the overthrow of the nation by insurrectionary
m(•ans directed at the most sensitive and strategic strongholds
of our g°' ernmcnt. In other \\·ords, the Communists
do not accept as final or decisive the verdict of the peaceful
ballot based upon majorities and public persuasion. They
rl'ly rather upon forceful means beyond the purview of
our legal election machim•n-. This has been dealt with in
some detail in the House- Committee on n-Ameriean
Activities report on The Com1111111ist Pa1ty of the United
States as an Adrncate of Oi:erthrow of Gor;ernment by
Force and Violence, and the report of the Senate lnternal
Security Subcommittee giving "documentary proof that the
Communist Parh, USA, teaches and advocates the overthrow
and destn;ction of the United States government b)
force and \'iolencc."
fn his collectC'd works, Russian edition, volume XIV,
part 2, page 270, Lenin formulated this strategic approach
in his thesis on insurrection, which has been emphasized
h} Joseph Stalin, \\'hich reads in part as follows:
Aecumuhtl<.' a prcpmulcrtmcc of forcc.v at tht· cledsh·e
place, at the dt•<·isiH• moment. 0 0 0 Try to takt' the <:nemy
hy surpris(•.
In his Fo1111datio11s of Leninism, Stalin presented the
same thought from a somewhat different angle when he
called upon the Communists -
to locate at any gh t•n monwnt that sin git• link in the chain of
en•nts which if seized upon will c•n;,thll' us to l'Ontrol the
whole <'hain and prppare tlw ground for thP at'hit•n•nwnt of
slrntt•gic sucl·t•ss.
GivC'n a highh intcrclcpenclent civilization vulnerable to
physical dislocation at many points, gi,·cn the tremendous
power of modern science at the disposal of subversive
forces and gin'n the numerous frictions pre\·alent in any
clc-mocratic society, one can readil} conceive the potentialiti<'
S for thl' crl•ation of chaos inherent in a group \\'hich is
constantly probin!( for our weak spots and endC'avoring to
capitalize upon them \\'ith the ma,imum destructive effect.
ORGANIZATIO. OF THE cmL\!U.'.'\IST PARTY, USA
Co\nruxrsT HrnRAHCIIY
Tlw basic organization of the Communist Partv is the
club or branch. This may be based on a territoriai limitation,
for instance embracing a community or rural area, or
may be limitC'd to C'mployces of a large industrial plant
or of a single industry within a cit) or to\\'n. Each club is
controllC'd h,· an cwcutive committee or bureau consisting
of the chiC'f ;>fficC'rs. ;\group of clubs or branches in a given
arC'a is in turn controll<'d by a section committC'e. The next
higher hocly is the state committee or a clish·ict committee
includin~ hvo or more' states, abo,·e "hich is the national
committee' of tlw party. In recent days the party organization
has hcc·n suhdh·ided into smaller eonspiratorial groups.
\ reading of the Communist Party constitution will not
clisclosc tllC' strncture of the party a~ it actually fu~1ctions.
Such clocumC'nts arc drawn up for public consumption and
disguise' and not for real practice. A conspiracy could 1_1ot
well he expected to publish its code of procedure wluch
has grown up and become ingrained in the orgaruzation as
a matter of usage rather than statute.
For example, the Communist Party constitution, in order
to give the party a semblance of democracy, declares that
"The highest body of the state organization is the State
Convention." And further, "The highest authority of the
Party is the National Convention." Since state and national
com'.entions are held every two years or less often, it is
manifest that the party is not and cannot be run from day
to day by conventions. The conventions are merely rnbbcr
stamps for decisions of a small core of policymakers including
a ~loscow representative operating behind the
scenes.
\\'e shall present below the various stages in the structure
of the party as found in J. Peters' The Communist
Party - a Manual on Organi;:ation, published in July, 193.5,
as compared with the present streamlined version from the
constitution of the Communist Party of the United States
of America, published in September, 1945, both of which
arc consciously misleading:
PETERS' \IANUAL, 19'3.';
Unit Bureau
t:nit \lembership ~kcting
Section Bureau
Section Committee
Section Convention
District Bureau
District Committee
District Com·ention
Political Bureau of Central Commit-tee
(Secretariat not mentioned)
Central Committee
'\ational Convention
Political Secretariat of the
Communist International
Presidium of the Communist
International
Executive Committee of the
Communist International
\\' orld Congress of the
Communist International
CONSTITUTION, J 945
Club Executive Committee
Club ~lembership \ feeling
Not mentioned
Tot mentioned
Not mentioned
State or District Board
State or District Committee
State or District Com·cntion
'\ational Board
(Secretariat not mentioned)
National Committee
National Convention
Not mentioned
Not mentioned
Not mentioned
'\ot mentioned
One must not be misled bv the formal outward stmcturc
of the party, behind which ; publicly unacknowledged but
nonetheless actual network operates. For example, a section
committee can send its representative to any subordinate
club with power to determine decisions of the club or
its executive commi ttee. Similarly the secretariat of the
national committee can send its representative with overriding
powers to any unit of the party. In the same manner
the ~ !oscow headquarters of the Communist movement
sends representatives like Gerhard Eisler who have undisputed
say over the decisions of the national committee and
the staff of the national office in its day-to-day activity.
These practices arc not even mentioned in the party's
constitution.
CONSPIBACY AT \ Vorn::
On October 13, 1952, the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee
heard the testimony of John Lautner, former
member of the National Review Commission of the Communist
Party, USA, and head of its New York State Review
Commission. This particular feature of the Communist
Party finds no parallel in political parties. According tor- Ir.
Lautner, this body's principal function was -
to safeguard party discipline, to ngilantly seek out and ferr<-t
out any anti-party dcments in the ranks of the party, to carry
out inwstigations and to propose for expulsion or any form of
discipline party members who don't toe the line.
After the indictments of certain party leaders, the "three
system" of conspiratorial organization was adopted, which
is described by Lautner, who was assigned to carry out
phases of this reorganization, as fo llows:
The party leadership appoinkd the top coordinating committee.
The top coordinating committee consisted of three people.
• • • One was head of the three. I le was the political person
in the group. 0 0 0 The other was the organizational person
and the third one was the union mass-organization person.
Now, these three people w<•rt' assignl'd, each one of them.
to appoint three other persons below him on the next level.
• • • So he appoints his one, two, thrc<' P's. • • • 0 docs th<'
same thing. • • 0 [NOTE. - 0 stands for organizer, P for
political organizer and T for trade union organizer.]
P docs not know 0 or T on the lower levels. Ile knows
only the three persons that he appointl'd. 0 docs not know
the P's and T's on the lower levels. I le only knows his O's.
So, here you ha,·e a situation where one p<irty leader knows
his two associates in his triangle, and the three that he appointed
below. All in all, a party member wouldn't know
more than six party members in the party, up and
down. 0 0 0
To my own personal knowledge there was the top coordinating
committee; that 3, the next level was 9, and the third
level, 27; the fourth level, 81, and tlw fifth level, 2·13. 0 0 0
Speaking before the subcommittee of the House Con1
·
mittcc on Appropriations on December 9, 1953, J. Ed!(•1r
Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Invcstigatioll·
described the current organization of the Communist
Party in the following terms:
No longer are Communist Party membership cards issut'd.
maintenance of membership records are forbidden; contacts
of rank and file members arc limited from 3 to 5 - the basic
club unit. Most of the local lwadquartcrs have been discontinued
and party records have been d<•stroyed. No cvenin!(
meetings are permitted in headquarters without staff mc1nbcrs
present. Conventions and la rge me<•tings arc held to the
absolute minimum. The use of the tdcphonc and telegraph
is avoided.
No eontact is had with fomili<•s or friends; «intacts between
functionaries are arranged through frequently changed
intermediaries; false drivers lieensl's have been obtain<'d•
assumed names have been adopted; modification of physical
appearance has been clfcctcd, such as dyeing hair and eyebrows
0 0 0
•
They have removed conspicuous means of personal identification
such as mol<•s; they have effected a new manner of
walking, have ehang<·d their dn·ss stancl<1rds, have avoided
old hahits and even haw avoickd old vices, and h:ne avoided
Wtm: W0 1tLO 1,'
1:jOI
John Loutner, former head of the New York State Review Com"'stot
of the CPUSA shows chain af command in the proposed New York •'
party underground. With him is Asst. U. S. District Attorney N°"",,
N. Neukom. Center triangle ind icates three· mon nucleus of the 0'9~1
zation, with other triangles representing units at various levels rod10
outword to trode union groups.
FACTS F ORU\[
appe.1
probal
n
writ!<
prosp<
grourn
Th
Th
are n:
mcmb
Th
lane<',
cntcrir
close,
which
ry out
mit>
ple.
rson
rson
•n.
1em,
ovel.
; the
for
1ows
:now
O's.
1ows
. apmow
and
ordith.
ir.d
e Con1·
Ed~M
igatiOJl.
111rnnist
sued.
lhlClS
basic
scon·
cnin~
mctn·
o the
graph
s bcmged
tined.
ysicill
cyr·
denti-
1er of
oiclc<l
•oidcd
appt.tr.Ul('C in public phi.ccs when· thl'ir rt·<:og11ition would be
probable.
Th<'y commumcatc through couriers and a\·oid the use of
writtm communications. They instituted loyalt} tt'sts for all
prosp<·cthc underground 1)('rsomwl. Tlwy rotate the underground
pt·rsonnel to aYoid dC'kction ° 0 0 •
Tlwy app<"ar outside of hid<•o11ts only •lt night • • •.
Tlwy ust• cliff<•rt•nt automobiles, and tlw <"ilrs frt·qnently
arc n·giskn·d in fictitious nam('s and not nanws of party
memb1·rs; tlw lic<·ns<• plates an· fn·qu<·ntly thang<"cl.
Tlu:y have usl'cl <.'\lrC'llH' pn·c,mtions in n ·~ard to surveillance,
making rapid and frequent ch .. mgt·s of c·o11\ <') ;.mces,
entering and ka\'ing subways and bus<"s just h .. for!' the doors
close, and douhlin~ back on th<·ir <·ourst•.
\Ios .ow H1:PnFSl'>TATI\T
The kc•vstonc of the Communist Part\ hi<'rarcl1\ within
~he Unite'd States is the representative ·of the Co~munist
ntcmational or its present <'quivalcnt, the Information
~ureau of the Communist and \Yorkers' Parti<'s, otherwise
I nown as tlw Cominform. The statut<'s of the Communist
nternational adopted at its sixth congrPss in tlw summer
0.f 1928 formally authorize the sending of such rC'prcsentatives
to affiliated Communist Parties. Although the Comrn~
inist lntC'rnational was alkgPdly dissolved in \la}, 1943,
hitncsses bc•fore the Committee on Un-AmPrican Activities
ave disclosed in terms of their expC'rienc<' that these
statutes arc still fully operative in actual fact although not
0Penly acknowlcdg~d.
Article II I, section 22, of these statutes ckclares that -
1
:rhc E. C. C. I..< ExccutI\'e Commilt<'<' of the Communist
n(( rnatmnal) and its Presidium ha\'{' tlw right to send tlwir
it'P~t·st·n.tativt·s . to tht' Yarious. Section~ of th~· ~ommu_nist
flit<:rnat1onal. Such n·prt•sental1\'eS n•c(•t\'t' their mstruct1ons
roni the E. C. C. I. or from its Pn·sidimn, and an· rt•sponsible
~o tl1<·111 for tlwir activitit•s. R<·pn·S<·ntati\'{'S of tlw E. C. C. I.
l ''"" tlw right to participate in nwdings of the central Party
mdies as well .is of the local organizations of tlw Sections to
~hid1 tlu_·y an• s<·nt 0 0 0
• Tlwy may 0 0 0 spt•ak in opposit;
on to tlw Cl'!ltral Commit!<·<' of tlw gin·n S<·ction • • • if
\''' line of the C1·ntral Committee in question di\'{'rgcs from
t le instnKtions of the E. C. C. I. • • •. The E. C. C. I. and
its Presidium ~tlso haH• tlw right to S<·nd inslrudors to the
'arious Sections of the Communist lnkrnational.
C .\ppearing on SPptember S, 1939, lJC'for<' thC' Special
fo0 rnmittc•<' on L n- '\merican Activities, lknjamin Gitlow,
0.l'lner memhpr of the executive committC'e of thP Commut~
st International, former mC'mbPr of th<' political commitda~
of tlw Communist Party, USA, and on<' timP its candi ·
p c for Vice-PrPsident of the lJnitPd State's, described the
fa:.e.rs of tl1psp representatives or "rC'ps" as they are
iliarly called:
~ r<·pn·S<·ntatiw of the Communist lnt<·rnational to the United
lat<·s durin~ his stay in the United States was tlw hoss of the
rarty ••• I le automatically lwcanw a J11(•J11lll'r of all the
;·adini.: (·ommitfres of the party in tht> United States and
t •rt•t·ip,.1<-d in its deliberations and cnjoy"d a vot<' on mati~
s that ."''"' \Otl'cl upon • • • all lw had to do was to
n./~";;.111, .1>0w1·r and mandat<• as a c. I. rl'pre~ent.1tivt>, and
rf 1s \ l<:w would prc\'a11. Generally, Amencan Commu-•
l·n~tts fl·< ·\·(·r would tale a 11osition in OJ>position to the repreS
"1"<' of tlw Communist Intern<ttional.
lltic]even years later on 'ovcmber 22, 1916, Louis F.
,1 rn enz, former managing C'ditor of the Daily 'Vorker and
Pilr ernher of the national committee of the Communist
ilCtily_, .USA, confirmed this picture whC'n he dPscribed the
l~d\Vihes of Gerhard EislPr. alias Hans Berger, alias
l::u11vards. The lattpr had been introduced to Budcnz by
,.,t•n D the " e Pnnis, former general secretary of thP party, as
Int. <'quhalent to a reprPwntativ(' of the Communist
(l'Jlational." \Ir. Budcnz declared that -
I·,.(
l's Pont,r '\1\\s, .\larch, 19.56
Benjamin Gitlow of
New York tleft) and
Joseph Zack Kornfeder
of Detroit,
ex-Communist Porty
officials who hove
cooperated with congressional
investigating
committees in furnishing
vital information
regarding the
operations and tactics
of the Communist
Porty in the United
States. They ore shown
(right) in 1950 as
they assist the American
Legion in
staging "Communist
Doy" in Mosinee,
Wisconsin.
Wlllf' wom II rHOTO
till' olficial rq>r<'Sentati\t' of the Communist lntcrn.1tional is
tlw c:hi(·f communication officer who brin~s the lint• of the
party O\'er, who knows it, and who, in addition to that, is
\'<'steel with a C:<.'rL.tin authority to inter\'cne in p.trty affairs
if h(' jucl~('S that IH.'C.'('SSary
~Ir. Budenz \\'US notified bv Dennis that he \\'ould "occasionallv
recei"e instructions ,;ml communications from this
Hans B<'rger," alias for Gerhard Eisl<'r. BudC'nz described
how Eisler ( Bergt'r) verbally Ray<'d Daily 'Forker Editor
ClarC'nce IIathawav, "for almost half an hour." In The
Co1111111111isl of \la)~, 19·11, leading theoretical organ of the
Communist Party, VSA, Eisler ( B<'rger) public]) castigatPd
\Villiam Z. Foster. then chairman of tlw party. In
neithC'r case did these American Communist chieftains dare
to rC'ply.
In the :\o\·emher, 194:3, issue of The Comm1111ist, "Hans
Berg<'r" \\rot<' an article entitkd "Hemarks on the Discussion
Conc<'rning the Dissolution of the Communist IntPrnational,"
tlw puqJOSP of which was to inform American
Communists that "internationalism still lives." Jn The Com-
1111111isl of 1\'o\·Pmber, 1942, Eiskr, posing as an American,
explained the significance of "T\\'cnty-fiH• Years of Soviet
PowPr." Ile \\'as for somp time the hrains behind Joseph
Starohin, foreign editor of the Daily 'Forker, whom he
employ<'d as his mouthpiece. This will ghc somp idea of
the tn'mendous power wiPkled O\·er the \merican Communist
Part\ ln its \loscow-anointed commissar.
Other; who have sen·ed in this capacity in the past
mclude: G. Valc'tsky; JosPph Pogany. alias John chwartz,
alias John Pepper, alias John S\\ ift; Boris Hcinstein;
S. Gussev, alias P. GrPC'n, alias Drabkin; Y. Sirola, alias
Miller; Arthur Ewert, alias Braun, alias Brown, alias Berger;
IIari: Pollitt; Philip Dengel; B . .\likhailo\, alias
George \Villiams; Carl E. Johnson, alias Scott, alias Jensen;
Peterson; .\Iarcus, alias .\f. Jenks;
F. ~larini, alias .\lario Al pi, alias Fred Bro\\ n; \Villiam
Hust; \Villi .\lucnzenberg; Louis Gibarti; Haissa Irene
Browder; Ha}mond Guyot; Boris Isakov, alias Boris \Vil
Iiams. At tinws two or more such commissars will be here'
simultaneous!), <'ach being assigned to some special task
or campaign.
There is ml'lhod in .\Ioscow's designation of forC'ign
commissars for the American party as r<'\·caled b) Jacob
Page 13
Golos. in charge of underground activities. in an in.l'rview
with Louis F. Budenz in his biographical work Jle11 Without
Faces; "An American might be a Comintern man in
such countries as China and the Philippines," declared
Golos. "He will ne,·er yield to any homesickness for those
lands. nor will he think of his family there in a moment
of weakness." He added, however, that "for this country
the C.I. ( Comintern) man and the C.I. agents under him
"ill always be non-Americans - and noncitizens if at all
possible."
:\loscow, THE SLAT OF POWER
In describing the Communist hierarclw from the lowest
club to the ,·ery pinnacle of power. we.have endeavored
to deal with the realities of this farAung conspiracy as
disclosed b~· individuals formerly enmeshed therein, rather
than to take serioush the current official version of Communist
organization· which is foisted upon those gullible
and ignorant enough to give it credence.
Illuminating detail is found in the testimony of Joseph
Zack Kornfedcr, former member of the central executive
committee of the Communist Party, lJSA, a former member
of the Anglo-American secrl'tariat of the Communist International.
later its rcprcsentath·c in Colombia and Venezuela.
He testified before the House Committee on Un-American
Activities on August 9, 19-t9, in regard to a dispute in
the American part} between the pro-Stalinist faction headed
b' '\'illiam Z. Foster and the anti-Stalinist faction
hcad~d b~ Jay Lovestone. This dispute occurred long ago,
in 1928. ~e,·ertheless, the pattern of behavior which it
reveals is important in helping us understand a structure
which has not changed fundamentally since then. \Ve
quote from \Ir. Kornfeder's testimony:
The re.1son why Stalin, •lS well as \lolotov and otlwr
ll'aders of th<• Russian Communist Party, spent that much
time on this faction fight in the nited States, was because
Stalin, eonsidt'ring this country of utmost imporhlnCC' in the
total scheme of strate~y. wanted to retain a reliable base by
S<·curing control, .tbsolutc control, for his faction of the Communist
Party of the Unitl'd States 0 0 0
. Stalin personally
directed all the major phases of the fight a~ainst the then
majority of the Americ-an Communist Party, led by Jay Lovestone
0 0 0 • In the windup of that fight, he and \lolotov e\cn
participated as nwmhers of the commission that tri<·d Lovcstone
and other members of the central committ<·c of the
.\merican Communist Party sidmg: with Lovcstonc 0 0 0
•
The speech was made at the Presidium on \lay 1-1, 1929.
In rnlume XI of the hearings of the Committee on Un.\
mcrican ActiYities (pp. 7112 to 7124) are printed two
speeches made by Stalin on \lay 6 and 14, 1929, and in
which he activelv intervened in the affairs of the American
Communist Part}· to the point of presenting an ultimah1m
to the American delegation. He declared that -
If the comrades of the American delegation accept our terms
- good and wdl; if they don't, so much the worse for them.
Then Stalin recommended that Comrades Lovestone and
Bittclman, leaders of the American part}', "must be recalled
and placed at the disposal of the Comintern." Subsequent
to this meeting, Lovcstone was summarily expelled from
his post as executive secretary of the Communist Part\',
L'SA, and the ri,,11 faction was installed in the leadershiiJ,
despite the fact that his voting strength had represented
oYer 90 per cent of the party membership in a previous
convention. Bittclman was shifted out of the United tates
to duties abroad.
Those who seek open statutory justification for Stalin's
relationship toward the Communist Part}', USA, are elms·
ing a will-o -the-wisp. In any conspiracy, the real source
of power is not inherent in any statutes. Since the elimination
of the recalcitrant faction in 1929, Stalin's power over
the Communist Party in America was sufficiently secure
and unchallenged as to make it unnecessary for him to
intervene openly. From that time on his intervention has
been more covert, operating behind a screen of agents
completely submissive to his bidding.
It may well be asked how Joseph Stalin was in a position
to keep track of the activities of his Communist satellites
in the United States. According to ~Ir. Kornfeder.
Stalin maintained a personal secretariat, each member of
which was assigned to a specific area. At the time ~Ir.
Kornfeder was in ~loscow, affairs in America were under
the supervision of one B. \likhailov, the secretary on Amer·
ican affairs, who visited the United States in 1930 under
the name of George Williams, to take charge of the purge
of Lovestoneites. In 193.'3 Helena Stasova was Stalin's sec·
retary for German questions.
According to 1r. Kornfcder, this streamlined body of
secretaries outmoded the cumbersome machinery of the
Communist International and thus enabled Stalin to exer·
cise more complete and direct control over his international
Hed network.
The details of this mechanism will not be found in an'
public Communist pronouncement either here or abroad.
The subordination of the CPUS,\ to Stalin personally is.
however, implicit in the telegram signed in behalf of ii'
national committee by \Villiam Z. Foster as chairman, :uid
Eugene Dennis as general secretary of the Communist
Party, USA, on the occasion of the 70th birthday of Joseph
Stalin and published in the Daily Worker as recently as
December 21, 1949, from which we quote in part:
D>:All Co"11ADE S-rAu"; On your 70lh birthday the 1ational
Committee of the Communist Party, USA 0 0 0 sends
you heartiest congratulat1ons and warmC'Sl greetin~s 0 0 0
•
Like the Conununists 0 0 0 in all hlnds, we hail your more
than .50 years of sterling kad<•rship 0 0 0
•
According to this telegram, victory in \Vorld 'Var II "''1
'
ascribable not to thl' joint efforts ,;r the Allies and partiC''~
larly the United States, hut rather to the guidance of th•
"Great Bolshevik Party, built by you and Comrade Lcnu',
and, since Lenin's death, continuing under your leaders~lll1
to guide itself by the principles of ~larxism-LeninJ51\
which you have safeguarded and enriched." The tele!(f'~o
closes with the wish, "Long life to you, Comrade swh;\
and to your great and enduring contributions to wor'
1wace, democracy, and socialism."
COM'\IUMST PARTY ~IE'\!IJERSIUP
Accustomed as we are to the methods employeeI \1·'
our traditional political parties with openly acknowJcd{(~1.
membership, membership records and books, we Af11eC1 11
cans might expect to find documentary proof of such fJ1 11
bership in the case of Communists. aively unaware of\,
conspiratorial nature of the Communist Party, we f111{(ri
demand the production of a party membership card 11
other documentary evidence before we will believe th;,
an individual is a Communist. Thus we might contribute.
our own confusion, accentuated by the consistent dc111
"
of party membership on the part of those charged. 11
The Communist Party, USA, has progressively stre3
\,
lined its membership records to the point where no flle~
bership cards are issued at the present time. Dues rrcO 1
are maintained in cod<', with each member assigned tl n
111
her, in accordance with the following form:
FACTS FonL'l NEws, ,\larch, 1
gJ
.\fl'mh('r'
J-
2
1
·1
;
6
7
8
q
10
One·
the COlll
have· re
they ha
four offi
sentenc(
era] gra
the e\ist
nist Par
lllember
It star
sound bi
Inents, ''
lllc•mber
are rc•gu
lllission
On la1
nounc~d
\c1, Yo
~ar~. Pr
Lautrwr
In \(a
before ti
\c•rwd as
fni· st Parti
ollowin~
\\!orker ·
documc•n
~is '' ife'
;~cl11cJc.d
Hm tor
in this
f Testify
cder, for
thecomr
llnion act
lw
'"ou!d 1
talk to
in this
I ''·ts
th.trg(•
' • <·nd,·d
t :\ form1
old in ·1 I
Of a f or'm 1
'.'certain i
~ 19:39_ 1
(:harles n
·ipJiJ1ary
('.\ Cerpts f
r to!
11111ni,t.
;.'.·c·al! it,
•nal!y,
;ourcc
rnina ..
rover
:;ecure
dm to
m has
Jgents
t posi-satel-
1fcdcr.
her of
1e ~Ir.
under
Amerunder
purge
i's sec·
ody of
of the
0 excr·
ational
in an' I 1broa~l..
ally JS·
f of it'
~n. and
amunisl
Joseph
mtly as
, Na;
c.n.ds
more
II ,,.,1'
partic11·
' of th<
: Lcni11.
:dershil'
cninis111
elegru!l'
swliJ1·
J worltl
\femhn's numhl·r I-------,
MONTI!
Ja11. F('t). 'llar .. \11r . 'Ill' Ju111· Juh .\\JI( ~ ~ ~~
I x x x 2 x x ·1 x I x ; x x x R x x x 7 x x 8 x 9 x x x 10 x
On even· occasion before congressional committees, in
the courts ~r before grand juries, Communist Party officials
havp refusC'd to disclose party membership lists. In fact
the\ have claimed that no such lists e.,ist. In June, 1949,
fou~ officials of the Communist Party of Los Angeles were
l<'ntenc(•d to jail for refusal to disclose such lists to a federal
grand jury. Nevertheless all signs point not only to
the existence of such lists, but to the fact that the Communist
Party maintains an extensive dossier on each 0£ its
members.
It stands to reason that the party could not maintain a
so11nd bookkeeping system, including records of dues payments,
without accurate records for each individual party
m(•111ber. It must be remembered that the party's accounts
arc r<'gularly supervised by both its national review commission
and by Communist headquarters in \loscow.
On January 17, 1950, for example, the Daily \Vorker annot111c<'
d the expulsion of John Lautner, a member of ~le
:\c\\ York State Review Commission of the Commumst
rart:y. Printing his photograph, the announcemcnt_sai~ that
Lautiwr himsl'lf is an enemy agent of long standmg.
In \larch 1950 \Iatthew Cvetic appeared as a witness
hc•for!' the Comm'ittee on Un-American Activities, having
1<:rv<'cJ as unclC'rcovcr agent for the FBI within the Cm:nmuOist
Party in Pittsburgh for a number of years. Immechately
{
01lowing his appearance before the commi~tC'e, the Daily
Vorkcr published, on ;\!arch 3, 1950, a digest of three
d?ctnnC'nts purporting to show that Cvetic had assaulted
1~15 Wifc.'s sister "with force and violence." The documents
ncl11<kcl ( 1) the indictment, ( 2) a court order dire~ti~g
~ltm to make financial restitution to the alleged victim
in this case, and ( 3) the decision to nol-pros the case.
Testifying on September 30, 1939, Jos!'ph Zack Kornf<'
der, fonner member of the central executive committee of
the Communist Party and at one time' in charge of its tradelinion
activity, declared:
I was on<:t' asked to supply an rngim•t•r, a C'hemisl, who
\vou)d P<·rsonally have qm1lifications capable, and let us say,
1t1a1l k to oth<« <'nginecrs higher in the profession than lumsclf,
this instan<'<', specifically, cl'rt<tin enginl'crs of du Po~t. 1 "·ts <l>k<·d to do that by ~lax lll'cfacht, who was then m
<h.irge of this phase of thl'ir secn·t activity. \Veil, I rccom'
-· ·nd,·d a tNt<tin individual.
t .\former nl!'mber of the Communist Part), a writer, has
old in a lettl'r of his experiC'ncc in checking on the record
o. f a f · · "ti 1 orm!'r ommunist Party membC'r, 111 connection w1 1 ;n certain article he was writing for a Communist magazim•
Ch l9.J9. The writer was called to the PW Y_ork office _of
. :tries Dirba then head of the> control comm1ss1on or chs- ~Ipl· ' · ·
l'\e
111ary hoard of the party. \Ve publish a few s1gmficat1t
crpts from this ktter:
I told him of this story about having ll<'<'n a Com-
1111111bt. 11,. pnxluced a book of sonw kind it looked, as I ;;·.«iii it, like a large ledgl'r - and IJ<'gan looking through it.
•n.ilJy, hf" came on what was, appan•ntly, a notr about
(' . It s.1icl, as I r<'m<'mber it, that had hl'cn a
"f~ori11uu111st in somt• city in TPxas S{'\'(:ral yt•ars ago.
h11s it \\Ould appear that the national hC'aclquarters of
):',,_ .
cts Font ,1
Igor Gou:z:enko, former Russian cipher clerk who broke a ~oviet atomic
spy ring in Canada in 1945, during an interview with AP writer Saul Pett
in Montreal, 1954. Masked to protect his new identity, which is known
only to a select few, he continues to lead o double life.
the Communist Party was in possession of membership
lists for Texas. There is everv reason to believe that such
records are still maintained, in secret, of course, and that
copies are forwarded to Communist headquarters in
~Joscow.
Since the Communist Party, USA, is part of a world
organization operating under central direction and everywhere
in accordance with a unifonn pattern, the testimony
of Igor Gouzenko, former civilian employee at the Soviet
E111ba~sy in Ottawa, is significant. \Ve quote from page 38
of the Report of the Canadian Royal Commission, published
June 27, 19.J.6, referring to· biographical data dealing
with Sam Carr, national organizer of the Communist
(Labour-Progressive) Party of Canada:
A. On cv<'ry Communist there is a fil<• at th<' Comintem
in \loscow; for every Comff11111ist in tlw whole world th<:rc is
a file at th<' Comintcrn at \loscow. 0 0 0
Q. Th<' Commt<•rn '"" supposed to ha\l• hem abolished
bl'forc 1945?
A. Supposed to b,. abolishl'd in 1!)4:3, hut it is not
so. 0 0 0
According lo Gouzenko, the registration card kept in the
19.J.5 dossier in the SO\ iet Embassy on am Carr, stated
after the mimeographed hC'ading '"Biographical Data," the
following t)•ped entry, in Russian: "DetailC'd biographical
information is available in the Ccnh·e in the Comintern."
In his biographical study, This ls J[!f Story, Louis F.
Bucknz, forn1C'r managing editor of the Daily \Forker and
former mpmber of the national committee of the Communist
Part\, described in detail the part)•'s method of keeping
incli~idual records:
Rc·cords are k<•pt of t•ach member in any kind of key
post, just as thl'y would be for those cngag"d by ••ny other
('Spionag-c.· systc.·m. \\"lwn a nwmh<:r takes up a rww post, he
must fi),. a eompktl' nl'w biography. This is l'hecked for new
cJ.1ta and also to obsl'nc if it differs from the om·s pre,·iously
f;J,.d. Jn bis biogr.1phy lw is required to list his relatives,
wh('n' tlwy wt•n• hoq1 and now lh·e, their oec·up~ttion, and his
relations with tlwm. llis entire pc•rsonal and labor history
must h<' given pr<'vious marriages if any, his children and
his arn•sts 0 0 0
• 11(' musl also g:ivc a complt't<• accounting
of his financial n•sourt.'('S, the an•rngc.• sabry lw has rN·ein•d
throughout his working lift', any bonds or other property he
t•n•r owned, and what lw now owns, if .rnything. 0 0 0 Ilis
party rl'cord must ht• gin•n in cktail (p. !l:l5).
\Vith this information in its hands, the party is in a position
to blackmail any possible' recalcitrant and to '''ercise
highly potent means of personal pressure'.
(Co11ti1111cd 011 Page 48)
A critical view of Radio Free Europe by Jiri Broda appears on page 43.
Melting
the
Iron Curtain
ML.CH of the information used
in Radio Free Europe is obtained
by correspondents who
interview newly-arrived refugees from
the Iron Curtain countries, from Stockholm
and Hamburg down to Istanbul.
omething of interest is learned from
all of these - about conditions in their
towns and villages, popular sentiment
towards the Communist rulers, radio
listening, attitudes on democracy and
the American people. A special kind
of refugee is the "defector," the Communist
party or regime official, who
has turned from the fraudulent nature
of the Communist creed, escaped to
the West, and o!Iered his services to
official or private organizations which
might in turn help to enlighten his
people.
~!any outstanding defectors, such
as Khokhlov and Petrov, have made
broadcasts over Radio Free Europe.
Important information was gained
also from a group of sailors who left
Polish Communist ships at Formosa
where, following arrangements made
bv RFE, thev were interviewed bv
emissaries from the Polish Immigration
Committee of New York.
Perhaps the most far-reaching and
enlightening information was that receh
·ed from a recent defector, Lt.-Col.
Josef Swiatlo, of the Polish ~linistry
of Security Police. His testimony was
remarkable both in broad content and
in detail. His revelations concerning
personalities high in the Polish government,
their official and personal
conduct. were so voluminous, so exact,
and so varied that thev furnished
material for an all-out campaign to
Poland. in which almost half of 140
broadcasts were made up of direct
testimom· broadcast by Swiatlo himself.
·
Page 16
last month facts forum News began
a presentation of the aims of Radio
Free Europe, how it works, and the
scope of its effectiveness, taken
from RFE records and publications.
Further results of its program are
given in this concluding installment.
The defection of Josef Swiatlo, former
Deputy Director of "Department
Ten" of Poland's Security I\linistry,
was publicly announced on eptember
28, 1954. On the same day, Radio
Free Europe's "Voice of Free Poland"
initiated a series of programs in which
Swiatlo personally exposed the activities,
intrigues, and corruption of
Polish regime officials. Since "Department
Ten" of the ecurity Ministry is
responsible for the surveillance of
Communist party members in Poland,
Swiatlo had intimate knowledge of
the lives of all important regime and
secret police officials.
Radio Free Europe was able to put
Swiatlo on the air with his exposes on
the day his defection was announced
by the use of programs that were
tape-recorded before the news of his
defection broke. It took the Polish
regime almost a month from the time
of RFE's first Swiatlo program to fac<•
the issue publicly. On October 2.5, the
regime announced that Swiatlo was
an "American agent and provocateur
... broadcasting nonsensical and ,·ile
lies, calumnies and falsphoods over
the radio."
The first drastic regime reaction to
w10£
Josef Swiotlo, top ranking Polish security offi~:
who defected to the West, furnished muc.h ''1 able information concerning officals behind
Iron Curtain to Radio Free Europe.
the Swiatlo programs within Pol•10
was the removal of General Stanis1'1
'
Hadkicwicz (announced by the/'
gime on December 7, 1954) as ~ 11
istcr of Security. Raclkiewicz was.0
; I
of the principal figures in the sw•:1,:
revelations. The conservative Br1 ~
publication, Time & Tide, in an arr
entitled "The End of the Po 1
;
'Bcria'" published on January "
1955, stated:
\\'hat made his ( Radkicwicz') fall fr011
grate ('H'n morl' interesting was the f,itf
that it tame about, not as a result· lt
internal conflicts, hut through outS''J
inl<'rkrenc<'. The immediate cause f
his downfall was, in fact, a scrirS b1
,
hroadca;ts h<'<um•cl into Poland ·
Radio Fr<'<' Europe in Munich. ·
Secrets which had hccn known to th'\
or four p{'rsons WC'rc broadcast to 1111
5
lions .... It was perhaps the grcot~,i
.ti11!(ll' rictory eter to be recorded.
/Jroadcasliuf.{ to Iron Curtain couutrit
Even before the Radkiewicz d0
':
fall, a high placed Polish Com°(;tl!
official in the \Vest stated con t:.
tialk that RFE's Swiatlo broadC•
proved "the biggest and most s11cC'
ful propaganda of its type prod1~~
hv America" since the SSR !1'11 c
control of Poland. This same ofli,,
said that "the whole of Warsa'" r
terribly disturbed" by the bro~dC·l
which "were creating a precip1cr
0
1
tw<'<'ll the regime and the l'
nation."
In January, 1955, the regime 1,
nounced the arrest of three 11~
secrpt police officials: Generul Jlr
kowski, Deput} ~linister of scc11
and ~lo
Colonel
All thre;
heavily c
~onal Im
Ing of th
establish
he tween
Political
1. The
pro(
the
Poli
pro1
in F
2. The
Poli
lish(
Swi,
g('ll(
din~
lo, I
sc·q~
S('Cll
f('Jl)~
.trr
offiu
1 H(•gi
('\'id
n1ati
part
r<•gi
hroa
('IJ('(l
cl('))
Sil bs
ures'
\id(•
plan1
llH·n1
\\0111
S ~istc•np1
b1v1atlo p1
~r l S1 . ' th
nF'."ltlo pt
· E: frorn
tng RPE
w10£
Hity offir.
much vo
behind 1
and ~loscow's 11atchdog in Poland;
Colonel Rozanski; and Colonel Fcjgin.
All three of these officials had been
heavily compromised in Swiatlo's personal
broadcasts. The nature and timing
of these regime actions appear to
b
establish tlw following relationship
etwccn RFE's broadcasts and actual
political developments in Poland:
I. The regime felt compelled to
produce an "explanation" (in
till' form of scapegoats) to the
Polish people because the RFE
programs were so widely heard
in Poland.
2. The Trylnma L11d11, organ of the
~olish Communist party, published
an editorial asserting that
'iw1atlo was an American intclligc•
nce agent, and established a
din·ct causal link between Swiatlo,
his broadcasts, and the subseq1l('
nt reorganization of the
S<'(•urity sen ice, including the
n•mo1·al of Radkiewicz and the
.1rrest of three other secret police
officials.
.'3. Heginll' response provides strong
<'1·1dc·ncc of l''<trcmc sensitivity to
niatt•rial directed against till'
Party apparatus, and of the
reginw's conviction that the
broadcasts reached large audi<'
ll('<'s in Poland. The regime's
dc·nunciations of Swiatlo and
s11hs<'qupnt "corrective nwasu~
·c·s" indicate an amicty to pro-
11clp tlw public with official explanations,
<lllcl to convince party
nl(•mh<'rs that those responsible
L \\'011Jcl bl' punished.
Siv·.1s\enc•r reaction from Poland to the
1ic,/a~ o programs was rapid. On Octo)
1.•.I. atJ • thn•e da' n after RFE's. Rr.s l
~FE r° pro~ram, a letter was s.cnt to
Ing nrom Krakow. \ftcr complmwnt"
FE commentaries regard-
Gerietaf s WTOJ: WOlll.O PllOTO
~ter Of s•,onis~ow Rodkiewicz: was Poland's Min-o
'tessary ,curitr. before his removal was mode
~,, RFE b allowing on expose of his activities
!> Y defector Josef Swiatlo.
"c."fs Font,:--1
WJOF. WORLD PHOTO
Josef Pisarik, Mrs. Libuse Cloud, and Vaclav Uhlik tell Radio Free Europe listeners
how they mode o successful dash through barbed wire to freedom across the
Czech-West Germon border in a homemade armored car that completely fooled
Czech guards. Mrs. Cloud is the Czech wife of a U. S. Army veteron,
ing S11 iatlo, the letter went on to say:
lhis l'\-Colond is well "'"""d. ( "S"iatlo"
mmns "light" in Polish.) \s th11nckr
t'dlO<'S on the e~lrs of tht' li..,luH"r,
his words, unforced by torturt' and like
thl' "Swiatlo" of lightning, illmnmatt•
tht• sinist«.:r g:loom of tht• dark d1111gt·ons
which art• tlw fo11ndations of thl' l . B.,
"hil'h is the :'-. K\'D ag<·m·' in Poland
Th(' r('Vl'Lltions sound si111pl) S('ll"'•ltional
... to hear dl'lails aho11t th"
tcntad('s of the .\los«.:ow ottopus iu
Poland is an uncommon ilt.'111 ol su1s.1-
tio11al infornwtion.
\ listener from Poznan wrote: " ... I
shou Id like to thank 1 ou for \'Olli'
precious information wfth "·hi ch· you
arc comforting us so much. Quite n•cpntly
you brought us H'l') lunll)
lll'\\·s, and all because a fuse hlc11 and
the light \\'Cnt off. (Polish 1rnrd for
"fusp" is "bczpiecznik" "hi ch also
means a member of the "Jkzpicka" or
Security Police.) All the Polish nation
is very happy about it. i\ow, due to
\Ir. J. S., 11c know a lot about comrade
Tomasz. (Tomasz is the P•llt1
name of J:>icrut, Communist boss of
Poland, as Rrst revealed by Swiatlo.)
These arc things which arc interesting
to (•very one of us."
•\ regular woman correspondent
from Gdansk wrote: "\Ve Poles loathp
the hand of rogues who rnle Poland.
Down with them! The Polish nation
wants to be free ... \Ve demand that
the \Varsaw government he n•moYed
immediately and Bierut with it."
\ letter received from Olszt111 on
January 11 carried grretings to' those
"who pierce the Iron Curtain and
pscapc westward to freedom, i.e.,
Polish airmen, seamen, and Josef
Swiatlo, who arc speaking the truth
on ht'half of the Polish nation."
Information from other sources bear
out the rea tions as evidenced in ll'lters.
For example, another source
~tated: "Swiatlo's revelations lll<tclc a
deep impression in Poland; the~
aroused hopes that antagonism c•-.isting
among the regime's hig11igs might
increase and that the power of the
omnipotent Bezpieka would he curtailed.
People \\ere very pleased that
a high of£cial of the Bezpicb 11as
c!t•1·er enough to escape, eluding his
supen·isors."
Other listener response indicates
much satisfaction and c1·cn malicious
glee at S\\'iatlo's compromising of the
n•gime and its individual pillars, particularlv
Bierut. Then' is little doubt
,1hout the widespread public enjoyment
of the "trne spectacle" of the
'\pokcsmen of Socialist moralitv."
On February 18, 1955, a 'Polish
rpfugcc reported the existence of posters
in Gdansk oprnly attacking RFE
and S" iatlo. The posters, first displayed
the prel'ious December on
\\'alls of buildings. in public transport
n'hicles, and on outdoor adl'ertising
boards, warned the people against
"traitor Swiatlo" and denounced the
"lies and slander" of RFE. A quacking
duck, meant to indicate the "lying"
character of the broadcasts, was done
in bright red, according to the refugee.
The same source reported that "the
dfccts of Swiatlo's disclosures were
much more far-reaching than proplc
in the \Vest realize. They wrrc a
serious blow to the Reel regime in
\\'arsaw. The ill-considered poster
campaign in Gdansk prol'CS how depressed
and upset the ommunists
have become as a result of the Swiatlo
re1·clations."
He also stated that the poster display
had been met with laughter and
hcaclshaking bv the people of Gdansk
"It has served· m1lv to call the attention
of even·onc in. Gdansk to Swiatlo.
A.ncl when' the Communists themseh-
es opened the Swiatlo affair to
public discussion, they made it possible
for people to discuss Swiatlo in
public without running the risk of
being accused of listening to Radio
Free Europe."
Soviet Campaign to Destroy
Poland's Catholic Church
Soviet plans to infiltrate and subvert
the Catholic Church in Poland were
exposed in a new series of sh programs
broadcast to Pohrnd over Radio
Free Europe by JosC'f Swiatlo in September,
1955. In this more recent
series Swiatlo revealed the following
facts:
1. The present chief of Soviet Russia's
secret police, General Ivanov
Serov, organized and still
directs the Polish regime's campaign
to destroy the independence
and opposition of the Catholic
Church.
2. Communist agents follow every
move of imprisoned Cardinal
\Vvszvnski, whose "residence" is
wi~ed and filled with hidden
microphones. The cardinal must
obtain special permission to visit
his chapel.
3. The so-called "patriot priests" in
Poland serve under duress, as
tools of the secret police. ~lost of
them were physically and mentallv
broken clown bv Nazi or
so,;ict concentration camps.
4. Swiatlo himself participated in
the Soviet campaign against the
Catholic Church.
In the religious sphere, the
Ilol, ynod of the Bulgarian
Orthodox Church cli"l:,oh·ecl the
Lnion of Clerical Brotherhood
(in eptember, 1955), whose
membcr~hip con~istcd mainly of
1mri~h priests. The ch ief official
reason gh:en £or this mo'c \.\OS
that the Union lenclcrs had
"adopted a policy of counter·
action and contradiction" in
their relations with the Holy
S~ nod. The Union 1enderlil;hip,
~ hich \.\US known to be infiltrated
by Cornmunists and
Comn1unist S} mpathizers, was
aecused or working ngnin~t the
unity or the Church and £ailing
to reco~nize the superior author ..
it~· of the Holy ynod. The di._
.;r;olution £ollowecl shortly n "i~it
of Patriarch Kiril to Cher,enko,•,
whid1 inclicat("cl th.at d1(" re1time
hnd approved disbnnclinit the
or~anizntion a~ a 8ource of Irie·
tion to the Chureh leadership.
The re~ime ~ t ill retains control
of the Church, ho\\C\'er, through
a spednl con1mittee attached to
the Council of Ministers.
(Rrprinttd from "Thr. Month in
Revirw." Neu·s r,.om Bebmd lhe fro,,,
Curtt1i,,,, October, 19SS.)
A digest of the six Swiatlo programs
on the Catholic Church of Poland
follows:
General Ivanov Scro, , present chief
of Soviet Russia's secret police, is
author of the Communist campaign to
infiltrate, subvert and seize control of
the Catholic Church in Poland. Serov,
who was recently named a general of
the army, is chairman of tl1e USSR
State Security Committee, attached to
the Council of }.linistcrs. The campaign
against Poland's Catholic
Church is simply the enforcement of
the Scrov plans. Serov is still in charge
of the anti-Church program.
Swiatlo and Scrov met in 1945,
when Scrov was Soviet Russia's
'\K\'D boss in Poland. It was Serov's
job to prepare Poland for the imposition
of Soviet-controlled Communist
rule. Swiatlo was transferred from the
Polish army to Scrov's command. They
got to know each other well, and
Scrov relied heavily on Swiatlo for information
on Polish political affairs
and personnel. It was at that time
that Scrov blue-printed a program for
seizing control of the Catholic
Church.
Four top Polish Communists were
assigned the job of turning the Church
into a Communist bureau: Franciszek
\lazur, Secretary of the Communist
party's Central Committee; \VolskiPiwowarczyk,
\linister of Public Administration;
Boleslaw Piasecki, the
regime's "Catholic" leader, and Dominik
llorodynski, Piasccki's assistant.
\Vithout exception, these four men are
agents of the ~IVD.
~!azur is the man who traveled to
~loscow to confirm the indictment
against Bishop Kaczmarek. He also
worked out the details of Cardinal
\Vvszvnski's arrest while in 'Moscow.
Pi~vO\varczyk is the link between
\lazur and the so-called Office of Denominational
Affairs, attached to the
Presidium of the Council of \1inisters.
Piasecki was a azi collaborator
and agent - an offense for which he
could have received a death sentence
when Russia "liberated" Poland. Instead,
Scrov offered to let him go free
if he agreed to become an KVD
agent and join the regime campaign
to make the Catholic Church in
Poland an obedient instrument of
Soviet policy. Piasecki accepted this
offer after many long personal talks
with Serov.
Horodvnski, who ostensiblv works
for Piasecki, is Bolcslaw Bierut's personal
agent for Catholic affairs. Bierut
WJIH WO!tl.D )'1101
Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, Palish Primate of th:
Roman Catholic Church, is still confined '"
closely guarded and wired monastery, despite.'·~
peated announcements by the Polish author1t1
that he will be released "very soon."
is official head of Poland's Communis:1
regime as well as the CommuI111
party boss in Poland.
So far Serov's master plan to rnuk'
the Cati10lic Church a tool of tl1•
Polish regime has met with no st1f_
ccss. o more than 60 of Polan'
10,000 priests have succumbed 1
'
pressure to collaborate with th'.
regime. In many cases, they are t11j1 who have been physically and morJl. I
broken clown by Soviet or azi c01
'
centration camps.
The Communists utilized plan.I\,
microphones adeptly in its war aga;r
the Church. Piasecki himself use.
technical masterpiece to record ~n~11 1 portant conversation with Bis f
Choromanski. It was a wallet-like''
vice, concealed in the inside pocket
Piasccki's jacket, and connected toF'
thin wire which ran up his sleeve. I•
pressing a secret button, he cO'~t
record his complete conversation ''{
the bishop - to he used, if needed, ti'
future trials. The archives of r
secret police arc filled with such l
cordings of conversations with otl
Catholic dignitaries. 1~
~licrophones arc planted i~ 01
residences of many Catholic b1sh r
throughout Poland. The secret rec0 11
ing systems arc particularly claiJOf•
in Olsztyn, Tarnow, and \Vrocla''"
One of the biggest operations r
this kind was the installation of s~
listening apparatus in the rcsidenplJ'
Primate Wyszynski in ·warsaw .. ti•
for the wirings were made in SW1 ~r
Department Ten of the Polish s. j.
police. An electronics tech~J
named Jadruszkicwicz was dcta1lf 1
supervise this work, which was '1~1
lcssly executed when the Comfit
regime decided magnanimous )
EWS, March. 1¢
assist in
of Prim•
several
nal's arr
ever> c
den cc.
In th
Swictlik
\finistr)
friend 0
accomp:
hark dis
iscd to
unusual
turned <
was to
Prison. '
lime bcl
eled to,
sent for
Primate.
Brigat
clcctroni
nccrs a111
rnonaste1
arrived.
£°?r, wh
IJClllg pr
neighbor
~[lccial p
Priest"
Were to I
and ager
. Thr la
tng dev~
~ontrol r
1ng and
Swictlik
e~ch doc
~1al gad~
he mast
Particula
every m<
every hod
the guan
llU.D pllll1
1ate of th•
ined in '
lespite re·
outhorititl
:nmuni>1
mrnu11i~I
to rna~'
of th•
no so'.
Poland'
ibed tc I
dth th<
are rile
I mor<'ll~ I
fazi c011
assist in the rec:onstruction and repair
of Primate \Vyszynski's residence. For
several months preceding· the cardinal's
arrest, the secret police recorded
every conversation held in his residence.
In the middle of 1953, General
Swietlik, Vicc-1\Iinistcr of Poland's
\Unistry of Security and an old army
fnend of Swiatlo's, invited S\\iatlo to
accompany him on a visit to tl1c Lidz?
ark district of Poland. Swietlik promised
to show Swiatlo "sometl1ing of
unusual interest." The "something"
turned out to he the monastery that
W~s to be Cardinal Wyszynski's
Prison. This trip was made a short
t;me befor |
