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Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 069. 1956-03. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 20, 2019. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/978.

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Facts Forum. (1956-03). Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 069. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/978

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 069, 1956-03, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 20, 2019, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/978.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date March 1956
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 5 1956; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States: This item is in the public domain in the United States and may be used freely in the United States. The item may not be in the public domain under the copyright laws of other countries.
Item Description
Title File 069
Transcript Beginning in this issue: The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee's new Handbook for Americans: The Communist Party of the U.S.A. What It Is - How It Works SENATOR JAMES O. EASTLAND Chairman, Senate Internal Security Subcommittee How the Fund Can Serve Our Republic Da' id L.iwrcnec's column (\ \/a$hington f~t:cniu~ Star, j-.muar} 5), forwarded to us hy a reader, suggt·sU, .L 111.lnncr i11 \\ hich the Fund for the RL"puhlit: llli.l} n.:dc:cm ibelf .md meet the tl1 g:111nt:1.1l ut its critics that the I l million fund ong:111all) don<.1tcd to it b} th(' Ford Found.1tion for "t'du<.:ation" on \111('rk .. m prin<.:iplt·s of gm t•rnnu:nl has not IH'en used for th<.lt purpOSl'. .. Onl) matcri<1ls that t('nd to show that the Co111mumst part) is llll'rt'I) <l political party," "rit<.·s Da,id Lawn·nt:e, " not 01 c.:onspirae) din·cted h) a foreign go' t•mrnt.·nt and ;.d"iO hooklds th;.1l tend to 111i11i111i/.l' tht.· problem of 'seuirity risl..s' h<tH' thus L1r ht't'll distrih­ukd with the Ford morn:). "'\ow. howt.•\ er:· lw conlinm:s, '"the suh­co111mitlet · of tht· St·natc Judic:iar) Commit­t1 ·e whi<:h h;.1s hten inn·stig<tting the wholt mh'rn~d s<.·<.·urity prohk111 hils i..,..,11t:d a 100- pa,1!<' l/and/Jook for .\mcricans [which i' heing: r('printed i11 Fad\ Forum \·cu:.\ ,t.1rtin~ on Pag<: 2 of this issm·]. It tell, hm' tlw Communist p1uty \VorJ..s. This pamphlet <"illl hardh h<l\ <' a wi<h· t:ir<.'ulation. as thert.' i' no Fund in Congrl'SS to "iend out 1ni1\inns of copies to the dti1.t·ns." \Ir. Lawrenl'<' points out that th<' Fund for the Republic c:ould prO\t' its impartiality and di,inh'rc·.-..t<'dn<'SS hy obtaining the hooJ..lets at cost from th<' Con•rnnwnt Printin~ Offic<', .rnd c.;(·nding to t'' t•n c.;ehool and coll<•g(' and to t·\ pry nlC'mlwr o( t•n·ry uni\'('rsity focult~ .me! to <•n•rv writ<'r. <'' t·n "i<.:hool tt•;.tcher and 1·\('r~ derj!~lll<lll in tlw <.:ounti: ac.; w('ll as to 11wmhns of all cj, il' and fratnnal organiza­tions. .. C<•rtainly," h<' <.·on<.·ltl(h·c.;. "tlw idea ought to ,1pp<·al to Paul I loff111<1n. Chairman of th<" C..,t11ckhaker Corporation. who is Chairm;.m of th<' Board of Dirl'dOr< of th<' F11ncl for tlw H1·p11hlir and a fair-mimh·cl man with ;t long c·\pt·rirnt<' in public ~wn·ic<•." (Editor's '-:oh': Facts For11111 \"l"ln·. too. wo11ld hP happy to s11ppl)' \I r. llofTman with tilt' rwcesc.;ary reprints for this purpose at nominal cost.) • • The Block the Ch ip Came From handt"cl dO\\.ll In tlH' t·ourt 111 tht· t"<.lM' of Dnini.1 t'I al "·'rite l 'llitcd States [Eugene Dennis, 011t·-t111u: Communist part) ll'ader, who w.1s trit"d with t<.·n otlwr lt•ading Com- 111tmisb, judgt· l larold \kdin;.1 prt·siding - St·l' articll' 011 Pagl' 2 of this issm:]. Ignoring thl' 11lajority opinion on this <.«.tSl', the lead('r ,1sJ..l'd that tlw 111inorit) opinion he r<:ad then a;l-t·d, "'"" what do )OU think of th.it! In ,1 countr~ wlwn· f r<'<·clom of s1w<'ch i.., u:uar;tnh·ed hy th<" Con..,titlllion, p<'opl<" ar<' hcing put in jail 1m·rt'I) for 'nwding in each otlwr's hou.-..t·s and db<.·11..,sing hooJ..s.'" lududl'd i; a l'hart t·11litll'd ".\ DULT· t·rat<'d EDUCATIO,, Ford Foundation St) le Ill thl' Los Angt'ks, C;difornia, arl'a," as wt'll ,ts a d-iart outlining Ford Follndation ac:th·i­tlt ·s. This projed is in ih fifth yt'<tr of A LA­... ponsorl'd adi\ ity, 01wrating from headqu11r­tt- rs at 50 E<.tst I hmm Stn•(•t, Chicago. \lrs. Gielitz writ<·'· " I prayerfully hop<· th;1l you can bring thi!-t to th<' 1ttt('ntion of ~our readers. It would lw intt·n·sting to lwar from p<.·oplt' ''ho h;.l\ c partidpal<'d. or arf' participt1ting, so thill tlw nationwidt' picture l'Onld 1><' obtain<'d.·' Sh<''"'"" "Your rl'aclt•f' could hl' lp h) fur­ni.-.. hing ;tdditional d<x·11111t·ntation to Jo ll ind­m<. m, author of the artidt', tit 8920 Second \ n•., Inglewood l . Californi;t." • • Is ACLUism Americanism? If )"OU thinJ.. it is, your answer will h<" ··r<'s" to th<' following statements, which are ind11dt·d in a n·cent q11<"•,tionn11irl' cirni\;1h'd h' the ,\ 11wri<.·t.111 Ci,11 Lihl'rli<'S l ' nion. · "Co\'ernnl('nt t·1nplo) t·t·s al'u1st·cl of dislor­alt' should ha' t' tlw ri).!ht to J..no" tht' ... m.1rn·s of i11formatio11 again..,l tlw111 ;UH.I to t·ross-examin<' th<'ir a<.·tu"it'r' ... " \ n) pri\ alt· indi' idual should h,l\\' tlw right to criti<.·il.l iln~ gm ('rnment or go' t•rnm<·nt offit'i;.d any­'' her<' in tlw world." "Tt·"ih of gon·rnnwnt t·111ployt'<'s' <.;<•eurity should h<' ('Onfinccl to 'i'll"iitin• poc.;itions in' ohinj..!; 1niliL1r~, ;ttomic or intt'rnational .1ffoirs." If you agn·t• with t\ CLlf, yott will ;tiS<>, ,1ccording to the qm·,tionn;lirl', anc.;w<·r "'\o" to tht'S(' St<tt(•Jllt'tltS: Di\'l"i!Oll, P. 0. Bo\. J0.;5, Indian;1polis, Ill"' dia11;1. On<.T again wt• art' ind<"htcd to \ 1r. S;th tor<' Solimin<' (St'<' H<"1tdl'rS Rt'port, fcbru ary, 1956, Facts Forum ,\le1rs, 7 I lench1n•1 St., llo;ton 1:1, \ lass., for furnishin~ th information. • Hear Ye! Hear Ye! Facts Forum Re p rints ol Constitution Available Bool-ld rl'prints of the Constitution; t·arr~·d in our January_issu<.', may ht• oht~1;1 at 1.., t·t·nts l'<tl'h;. I l.::>0 pt'r lu111dn·d; $ 1 ( ~ pl'r fi"· hnndn·d; $1:)0.00 p<'r thous<llld· 'f hookkt indudt·s all l'Onstitutional ,uneiW" 11H·11ts, ;1s wdl as £i\'<' propost'd anwn_dnit:t "hidt will ht• m11<.·h dbl't1Ssl'd dunn~ I 111011ths to <.·0111e: Tlw \1 11nclt-Coll(' \ 11u·n<lm<.'nl, Tht· H<•t•cl- l )irks<'n Arnendn.1\ Thl' B)rcl-Bridgl'c.; Amendment, Th<' Bn< \ 11wndn1cnt, and Th<' Rt·('d-\ Valtcr j\1nl'o' nwnt. • How Tough Are the Ides ol March? "R('u;o rc tltc Illes of \farc/1!" tl1 cU sr!I· Yet in April they tax our 'iclcs au:ll!f An mt<.'r<:sti11g mai ling rt'<.TiH·d fro1il \ \ t.·stt·rn T,1\ Council, Inc., :)8 South Pf horn Stn·d, Chi<.-01go :), Ill inois, p;h cs 10 n_liltion n·ganling tht• rt'cord to thl' prr~ tlllW Oil tlw propOSt'd illlll'IUlment lllw ft~lt·ral ta\.<'S on llll'01_1w, ystatl' ,rnd ~1 ~ :!.J pt'r t't'llt t'\l'epl 1n t111w of w;ir. hooJ..IPl, Fact.\ am/ ,\11.\u:cr.\, exprcs"iL'" t·on\ id ion th.it lowt•r i11<.·0111<· ta\. r.tll'°' 111l·n·aw ft·<k ral rt·n·ma'. I \ \)PTO' ,d of c.;11d1 a propost"d ;11m·ll( .1~ h) t l<' ll'gish1tun·s of thirty-two st11tcs !'i q11in•d lollowi ng " hich ra ti fication h) ~ \1 sh !-tl;ltt''i would muJ..e it a p11rt of th<' ,.( 1 t11tio11. Thl' "it;tk of OJ..l.d1on111 p~tsst·d thl' r\, tion 11u·111ori .. d11111g Congrt'"iS to <."<t ll a t"ill tion fo r tilt' pu rpOS(' of eonsideriu.l!'.1 a11u·11d11w11t to tlw Const1t11tion in \ Lt)· tht' thirtidh ... t.1l« to taJ..e this 11di011 ·\t1 two 111ort· stat<·s m·<·cl appro\'e this rcsOd1 to allow tht' t·onsid<'rati_on of the 1111.lt.' 11 ti 1h1·lf h) Congr<"sc.; and its prt'"il'nt•1tHl11 'tatt·"i For ratHi<'cttion. \t Statt•<.; \\ l11d1 h;I\ t' p;.tS<.;('d the rrv\, are: .\l.1h;una. \ rJ..;tns;ts, l)d;tW<lrt', . ~ (;('orgia, lllinoic.;, l ncli1111a. low;1, K1l~1'·r-1 ... t11<"k). Lot1i"ii.t11a.. \ lainl'. \ LtS"i·1~'.J\ \ l il'hig;in. \ l i,c.;i"i"i1ppi. \ lonLtn<I. '\ t 1 ' 't'\ ;1d11, 'cw I Lu11pshin'. '\l·W J cr\t')~I \ h ·,ko. Oklaho111a. Pt•nfl"i} h ;miil. Hh\~ l.111d. ~011th I ).ikota. Tnas. lltah. \ 1 \ \ i ... ('011c.;111. and \ \ 'yoming. . 1-t TIHl"i(' c.;tal<'\ whit'h h11\l' not )d P•1 "')1 rt·,ol11tio11 an·~ \ ri1on<l, Californi<t. 0'1,11 Co1111t·dk11t. Idaho. \ Ian Ltncl. \1 111 , \ l i,,011ri. \(·\\ YorJ... '\orlh c,1rolin•1 • Dakota. Ohio, Ort•j.!On, South C11ro\J11"'\ 1u·c.;"·1·. \'prmont, \\';1shington. ,111< \"iru:i111;t. ~ \lrs. Edna G1elicz, 820.5 Second A,c., lngk•\\"<X><.l, C;.diforma, has sent llS illl artic:IL­n ·printed 111 tlu.· puhlit inl<·rt·"it h~ tht· Ed11<.:a­tion;. 1l '\t·\\"S Sen i<.:c, llo' ~112, Fullerton, California ( copll'S of wl11ch lll<t) ht· ohl;ti11t'd tro111 tlw111 for Hk l'.1ch plus stamp<..'<l, sclf­.1ddr<. ·'i'it:d k·g.tl-si1.t· t·nH·lopt·, or twl'ht cop1t•s for om· doll.1r, po-,tp.ud to one .1d­dn ·..,.., ). This .1rtll"k, "Tiil' · \11wric.1n l kri­t. 1g1.' l'rojl·d," h) Jo 11 ind111.m. is from tlw \'atimwl Hqmhlic lllill!·t/llh", "\ovt'mher. 19-~.5. and ch•;.ds ,,.:ith tlw \ 1m·ric.m I it'ritag(· Projt'd ht"mg ro ... t(•!Td h) th(' \ 111eril'an Lihrar) \ "is0<:1atio11. "Tht· Ford Found.1tion," thl' artic.:ll' "ili.ltt•s, "throu1.d1 its ad1und Fund for .\clult Eclu<.»llion, "illpplit·"i th<' !llOlll'Y that ,11,t.ti11\ tht' \ml'ril·•lfl ll crit.1gl' Projc·<.·t n.1tion,1ll) , hut t'<H.·h \)n>)('d lo<.·all~ enjoys Ford p.ltrrni.u!<' for on )' .1 li111itl'd ll'ngth of t11111..'. .dkr which 1111._11 ... pt·1.·t111s.t Ln.tM)Tr., .trt· hurdt·1wd with thl' hill." "E' t'r)OIW ".·ho d,d111.., tlw \)ri\ ilt').!e against ,t·lf-inl'ri111111at1on "lwn ac.;lt·< if hl' is a Com- 11wnist m11st lu· OIH'." "Congn·s"i "houlcl in­H ·c.;tiJ.!<lll' political lwlit"f, and a..,so<:iations in ordt'r to dt'lt•mtint· wlwtht'r tht'' ar<" 'un­\ nwritan.'" "11w ,l.!O\t'flllllt"lll is ·j11..,ti£i<'cl in harrinu: t<"mporai:· fon·i,t!n 'i ... itors h<'<.';ltlS(' of tlwir political prin<."iplt· .... " "P11hlil' "it'hool and colh·g<' t<·adwrs should IH" rcquir('d to sign a 'tw<·ial non- .onnmrnist lo' .ill\ <Mth." Pcrh;IJJ\ your <lll"iW<'r"i ·to lh('"i<' qm·c.;tion' will ht'lp ~ou d1·tn111inc whdlwr your brand of \ nwricanic.;111 agrt'('S with that of \ CLU. ·ce Reade rs Re port - At Your Se r"' . th" \\'h,1t would yo11 likl' to sc~· 111 fl!° 11_111n·~ l)o ~011 h,I\(' ;t _"i11t!C:l''t1on r Jil litc-r1.1tnn· '011 would lilt· to .. ct' 11 11 l!i;. for its ';1f1u· to ou r rPildt'rS or ~1 1) h·gic.;l;1tion for our n•adl'1-...' attl'ntuill· t' know of ,01111· pt•rc.;on or gro11p '' 1in~ ·ti ti1·s. ha' t' ht·1·11 p.1rtil'ularl) ('011..,tn;~, th1·1r uu1111111111t}, or to our c0l11~11: would likt· to J..now ;d>out thc111. · -1\ or photogr,1ph, n·\,1t111g to tlw 11t.1tffl· "hi<"h \Oii writt· .trt· ;tl..,o wdco111t". ~1 Om· u:ro11p 11u·di11u: 011tl11u-d ''.ts .l'.,led h~ the proj<·<:t lt-.1ckr to con..,idt'r th<' 1·fft"d of frtTdrnn of 'l1t"t'<"h in n·l.ttion to tht d1·cisio11 • • Steps Toward a New Birth ol Freedom - Ame rican Legion Style Th<' "\iltion.tl \ mcric:anism Commis"iion of thl· \ 111t'ri<:.m Lt·gio11 h,1, public.;lwd. •lS ,, ll.lrt of ih t·dw:.1tio11.d pm)!r,un, m1111t•rou"> JMlnphkt... "hu.-h h,1,·t· ht•t·11 p11rd1<l"it'd h~ '.triou.., \111t·ril·.111 Lt·L!;1t111 Po'h ,rnd d1 ... trih 11tt·d to ... dl<>Oi"i ,t"> ,I l"Ollllllllllil\ "it'r\iU'. l111/111ri<·S rt·L!;.1rdinl.! tlu·"it· ,;,unphkt... 111,1, he <H dn·"i"it'd to tht' '•tlion.d Emhh·m S,1lt'"i Plt•a"' .uldrc..,.., ~our ldh'r' tO· 1· lkt•11t. hull For111>1 \'rn,, I).<~ IN THF. c M F.LTt. Ra Conde1 \ft The Str W; DF.c:i.:"1 Ro A C1,os l irr Bo<J" F Ft;\;D-11 flow D R .. o,0 , Co'in:s \V1\;-.; 1, .\f o Wi Hu.P 1 Poet Q Pot.L I~ S1.0<.A\; -- \umbt>ro tn flrtl ~Pages I ~or 4 , ·>to 8 ~: Const ilut U, S. IN TH IS ISSUE Volume 5 Number 3 March, 1956 Forum 11.vailable onstitution. a) he oht.iit1l mdn:d ; ~j(l.I thOllS<llH.I. f' lional tllllt:11 d anwnd1nl'\ ed durin~ 1 \l11ndt-On1dt ·n Amcndll.\ ol Thc Br1' ,\;alter A1nl'n TitE: c O\[,(\;\;JST PARTY, U.S.A. \ IIA\;DBOO!.. FOB A\1EHICA\;S ~IElTJ\;(· 2 · • TUE 1110, Cn1TAI' ... Conclusion 16 C Radio Free Europe's Own Story 0nd,ens·1t· f S 1 '.' 1011 o HA,C11A1 Co,sPrnAC\ Th <I/. Gen. Charles A. Willoughby 23 e Strange Case of tlw hn:tr,ATIO,AL LA11on OncA'<IZATIO" William f,. ,\lcGrath . . . . . DF.cr,ni 38 · Al.lZE A"D Sunv1vEI Robert Johnson 42 AC .. LOsi:-L" Vu·:\\ OF RADIO FnFI' EtlHOPF - Conclusion liri (Ceor •e) B l . 43 50 .51 54 57 61 B . rac a . . . • . . . . . . . 0<,._ Ri:vwws Fu,o-R . . . AISI\;(, PLA" liow D v · R () i()l,, :\h:ASll1E L' P? CA D10 ·\ \; 0 T\' Sc 11rnulEs o'n:sT HL! LS \\'1,,1,c I . . . . . . . . . · • "LTTi-:ns TO THE Eorrons \fonthly Contest \Vi111wrs fl . Winners - Last llalf of 195.5 Contest l.tp nu.; CAL'SE OF F1u:1mo"d Poll Q 61 62 63 64 64 64 p Ll:sno:-.s A'-D Pou Qt i-:sno' \V1,,t:ns Ol.L HFSLlTS Sioc · ·A' ron Tiii•. :\lo-,;n1 PRICES OF FACTS FORUM l\Erf'S REPll l TS To <·ru.:ouragc tht <li!,trihution of tlw thoug-l~t-pro\'oking articles apl?caring in Facts Forum f\'ews, we arP mak1.ng reprints of these '""'' artid<'s av,11labll' al tlw following prict's, dd1wr<'d: Lt•ss than 100 HXJ .500 1,000 .5,000 or more in~rt~~c.ai.:t·s ~ Pages or l. ·.> or 4 <.ss 5 to Pages Co 8 pag<•s "ll•lution of the JOc (';tCh 10<' <•ach IOc l'ach $ 4.00 7.50 9.00 $18.00 35.00 10.00 32.50 60.00 75.00 $20.00 per l ,000 25.00 per l,000 35.00 per 1,000 · S. ( 12-pag,• folder) 15c """" Jac:~~ici,11 l>uhli<.··1 - . in lh01• .Strt•f"l t) hon of 1-.H.:ts Fortun. Inc., 1710 oth£·r ,. intt·r{·~ls '1J'•1f .. I. _Tt•x;\S. Puhlh.hcd monthly ..\ny" t'f>nt·t·rnt«t° .- •1Ch .For11~n participants and Olay ~he),. oris.:i _ 1 'Hth . chspelhnl.t public apathr,. Pri\ ·i e frc·ely n,\ lnJo: Ill FACTS FORU\f ~EWS ;ct U.s 1\Kt· ,1 uthorire1:[o~uced. Second-class mailing 'our Se'" a·<>~n - zt· ,\t D.11l.1s, Texas. Printed in tit' Prt,i I I) Ol DIR . 1 1.i<'«' 11l A. /.Wt; John L Fjf10HS:_ Robert II. Dedman, I . HI rrl:.· 1 \frs. -'~.lt:rt, Jr., s'. .a e, V1ce-PresidC'nt; Want·n J.!1'' IC 11h B. Coe. P, Ll\mb. <Crttary; Joe ~a!oh, Trcosurer; to -;1 •t ' ll •i; AD\~Nt. <·rth, \frs. Sut• \lcCrary, Hohcrt ·rs or ~·\) man- OISOny BOA I on P. stri k"I -\rthur _\, HSD:. h\lajor B. ~· Jl~rcley, Choi.r- ;tlt c n 1 I' \fr,, J{ ~·r, 11,irrv >m1t , .Lloyd E. Skmner, Dand ·1)11p \\ hO" ·l Vollm: \ .. Hus<;l'I} l" Roglt'r, William N. Blanton, 1) c011"tn 1 1',,' Allan ts·h Do,1k w~n/·· Mpi. Wallace Savage, \V. C.. n C:t-nt·r · l\1·rs C':t <'r, E. E. McOuillcn, Governor our co11 ~ 11,1\ \.Vil}n ~I Hoht·;t E·n {Val Alhert C. \V<'d<'nH'Jt'r• l tlw•ll· ~ .. 11 FACrs · ood, Hanford \k:\ider, john tl H' 11J ,tlCfi ' !111n,u FORU\f . . ~•Hc·rf'\t 0.tR:a111.ratic) l 15 a_ nationwide public educ1~­(' ko111t'. ~' lndillid in irnport~ dt·d1c.1h.'cl to arominJ.C puhhc tll 'l" 10 1'1 JlfJlicy ua) particip'~~-curr~nt <'Vents and stimulatinj[ \:, l), tll ,t"• · • 100 111 thE' shapin~ of puhlic ... ... ,/ F\c:rs Fo11 ' --" V\c 'l:Ews. March, 1956 11.50 70.00 130.00 F \CTS FOHU\f is nonprofit and nonpartisan, sumwrting no political c~ndidate or party. F~cts Fonim's activities are designed to present not Just one , i<'''- of a controvNsial ism<'. hut op1>0sing vit·ws beli(·vin~ that it is the riKht and the ohli­gatioi; of the American people th<"mse!H•s to IC'am all the facts and come to their own conclusions. SJC:'JED ARTICLES nppC'aring in FACTS FOHU\f NEWS do not nettssarily rt·present the opinion of the editors. MANUSCRIPTS submitted to FACTS FOHU~f f\'J<:\VS ~hould be accompanied by stampNI. st•lf­addn•< s<scd envelopes. Publisher assunH'S no respon­sibility for return of unsolicited manuscripts. SUBSC111PTION RATES in <he U.S. nnd U.S. prnm•ssions, $2 per year, $5 for tlm.•e years. All other countries, $3 per year. To s11hscrihc, see J)il~C 63. CHANCE OF ADDRESS: Send old addrt•ss (exactly as imprinted on mailing label of your copy of FACTS FORUM NE,VS) and new address to FACTS FOHUM NEWS. Department CA, D111lns 1, Texas. Pleiue &1Jlow three weeks for ch;.mJteo"er. in the April I sue of "Whal Makes a Communist Tick?" Next month'i; eontinuation or tlu.~ Senate Internal Scruril\ Subeom· miuee\ handbook on .:The Com· muni~t Part~ of the l'nited ~tarr ... of Amerirn., will ('OH'r thi., and other !-iuhj('C't .. of \·ital ron<.·ern to all \meriran ... The Suh<·ommittee\ handbook." ith l)hotographi<' illustrntion" added i..; bein~ fully reprinted in t1<'H'r.1i i~i:.tallment~ in Facts Formn ~eU'.'i. Smt·e only a limited quantity or the handbook \\US printt"d hv tht" Sub<'ommittee, and anotht'r · puh· li!-her i~ reprint inJ?; it at 1.00 p<'r <'Opy ... ub~rriber~ to Fart.\ Forum News will save one-lialf of ont• year'" suhs<'ription t'O:--l on thi .. feature alone. "UNESCO - Good or Bad Influence?" \ stimulatin~ dehate on lhis bllh· ject by the Panel of a Farts Forum radio·telev i;:;ion pro~ram leads into ~urthcr pro,s and con's in the April issue. Both the domestir and inter· nali?nal '"perts of U ESCO "ill reC'el\e attention. Read both side!'i of the rontro,er ... ) df'alinp; with thi .. ..;periaJized agency of the United Nation;:;. Vigorou Response to RFE Series The arti(·les on Radio Fre(' Europ<» which are <'om· luded in this j,;.,u<'. have spa rked letter!-; of both pro· test and approval. AlthouJE;h 1he1-1e letteri; "ere recehed too late for indmdon in thil!I is!'IU<', don,t mi .. ., them in the \pril Facts Forum News. WHAT IT IS-HOW IT WORl( S I:. the belief tha t onl y an informed a nd a lert Am e ri can ci ti zenry can combat the Communist con spiracy to overthr ow our way of life, Facts Fo rum etvs present the newl y-issued h andbook on the Communist P arty, U A. Prepar ed by the Sen a te Internal 1;curity Subcommittee, h ead ed b y Sen a tor J ames 0 . E astland, this docu­mented m a te ri al outlines the fac tors which m ake the Communist P arty a threat to individua l fr eedom an cl pros pe rity - the fund amental differ­ences whi ch di s tin g u ish it from a t r ue po litical party. T he h andbook, which h as h een p ublished only in limited qua ntities hy the uhcommittee, will be pre­sented l o our r ead e r s in sever a l section s, o f which this is the fir st. TnE average American is unaware of the amount.' misinformation about the Communist Party, USA, ,vh1c appears in the public press, in hooks and in the uttera11 , of public speakers. In part, this misinformation is col1~r ously planted by members of the party using ways '\ means calculated to have the greatest dfect in pois_01d, the channels of American public opinion. In part, it is 1 to our ignorance of the problem - the problem of existence in our midst of a mass conspiratorial orgatJ1' tion controlled by a foreign power. The Communist pl' !em is unique in our history. 1 The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee prr'~s this study of The Communist Party, USA - What It II ore It ·w arks as a convenient handbook for America1d~' an effort to counteract current misinformation regar 1 the Communist movement. This study seeks only to 10 ' the high spots without going into a detailed analY51~1 Communist activity in the labor movement, af1ld 'egrocs, women, youth, foreign language groups, aC front organizations. It endeavors to differentiate the ·i munist Party from bona fide political parties in the l]J1~ States. \Ve earnestly believe that, gh·en a more acC 0 1 knowledge of the Communist conspiracy, fewer f.!1 cans will fall victim to its wiles. . t f· FOUNDED in September, 1919, the Commun1s . . 1p of the United States of America is an org:1111f p unique in American historv. It is not a true po 1 ~ party and differs fundamentally from all political 11'~ in this country. It is in fact a Russian-inspired, ~jo~,. dominated, anti-American. quasi-military consP 1 , against our government, our ideals, and our freedoJ11 F A('Ts Fo11t 'r '1·:ws, ,\[arcl1 • J ''Control by Blackmail" "How to Judge a Fellow Traveler" ist'Party e 'States of America A Handbook for Americans ~IOS(OW-hSPIHED '"D DO\ll"ATED )lc~ftt·r. testirnon~ running o'er a period of more than <~ne .• ~· .f1om nunwrous ([ualified witnesses, the Subversive C'.C:o h1·ir1 <•s· C.o ntrol Board l·o und, on Apri·l 20, 1953, tI mt tIi c di rnrnunist Party of the United States is "substantially '!'hrics' l'tfti•i d '.< Jo mina•t cd, and controlled by the Sovi•e t U1 1·1 on. " "<'r. lding \\as based upon the evidence before the Sub-the sii·c ·' \ c t·1 11· t1· cs Control Board. It was uncI erg·m I e<I IJ )' ties report o f I Ii e flouse Committee on Un-Ameri·c an Ac t.1 11· - ''"e 00 The Comm1111ist Party of the United States as an s11~p 111 01 a Forcian Pou;er IJublishcd in 19-17. The counts 1.P <>rr · '-: ' Tl ing this finding follow: . . . <'On . le Communist Party USA traces its ong111 to two '('nt· . ' ' her 1 ions, lwld simultaneously in Chicago from Scptcm-the C to 7, 1919, of the Communist Party of America and in r <lilimuni<,t Labor Partv. Both com·c•ntions were held then<'spon~e to an im itatio;1 issued by Gregory Zinovicv, %t l 1 esid<'nt of the executive committee of the Commu­ll11Ji1 · ~t<•rnational \\ith headquarters in ~loscow, and first a )l1 IS IC'<] in this COullh) on July 7, 1919, in the l\'o~y ,\fir, 1··i ev ISS1an ne"· spa per publi· shed 1· 11 'ew \'o rk· C"1t y. z·1 110- lhe ~~·~s, at .that time, a member of the e:xecutive body .of lllan of Russian Ct>ntral Ewcutive Committee and Chair­fro111 z· the· Petrograd Soiiet. In obedience to instructions lion 111 inoviev, the two parties he had callt•d into conven­in \[. <'rged into tht> United Communist Partv of America ? •ly, 19·)1 . -. A - . Co1lln rn~ng thp "twmtv-one points" of admission to the hY tlip1 li\n 1·s t I. 11t<'rnationa· l, adopted in 1920 an< ] acceptecI p 111<'ncan part}' was o. H to the effect tlwt - .. lt)i ' tt.iti011~jlr\y <.h·sirous of affiliating with tlw Co1111nunisl. Inter­to ti,.. S ' HJtdd h<• ohlig,.d to rl'ncler cn•ry p<mihll' ••smtant<' r,.,Oliit: O\ii ~ lkp11hlks in th<.'ir stn1gglc against all counter­l pr1.\./::~1 ·1 f). fon.·~·s: Th<· Com11111nist partit·s should c-.irry on I' •Uld <id1111t<• propagand,1 to incl11e<' the workNs to ~f ls r . 'Ont ' 1 1 \1 s, '1ar<'h, 19.)(j refuse• to trn1"port any kind of military equipment intended for fighting against the Sodl'l Republics, •lllcl should also hy leg.ti ;.tnd illegal llll'<lns carry on a propag~tnda amongst the troops sent against the workc>rs republics. 0 0 0 ince that time, paramount allegiance to the Sodet Union has been a fundamental tenet of the Communist Party, SA, as shown by the hooks recommended for party study, such as: Problems of l~eninism and Foundations of Leninism, both by Joseph Stalin; History of the Com1111111isl Party of the Sodct Union; Lenin's \\'orks, and by party oaths of loyalty such as the following of 193.5 for new members: I pi<•clge nn self to nilly the masses to clcfcncl the Soviet Union, tlw land of 'ietorious socialism. I pleclg" mysc•lf to n•main at all tinws a 'igilant and firm ckfond<'r of the L<'llin­ist line of thl' P•trty, tlw only line that insurc-s tlw triumph of SO\ id Power in tlw United St.ites." (The Co1111111111ist Partv - a ,\/c1111111l on Orgauization, by J. Peters) At the t•,·enth \\'orld Congress of the Communist Inter­national lwkl in the summer of 1935, attended by Earl Bro,Hkr, \\'illiam Z. Fost<'r, Gil Green, John Williamson, Jack Staclwl, William Schneiderman, James W. Ford, Rob­t'rt ~Iinor, amuel Darcy and ~Iartha tone, all topflight \merican Communist leaders at the time, an oath was taken hy the assC'mblcd delegates assuring "Comrade Stalin, leader, tl'aclwr, and friend of the proletariat and oppr<'ssed of the whole world" that "the Communists will alwavs and cn·n \1 her<' be faithful to the end and to the great and im inc"ihle banner of ~Ian, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin" and that "under this banner, communism will b·i­umph throughout the world." Th<' Daily Worker and Political ,\ff airs (formerly The Co1111111111isl ), both official publications of the Communist Party, i,;SA, han', sine(' their inception, consistently dc­frmkd the So' it•t L nion without a single exception to date. Harry Pollitt !left), former General Secretory of Communist Party, USA, speaks at Seymour Hall, London, during 20th national congress of the Communist Porty. William Z. Foster (right), present National Chairman of the CPUSA. _\rticle I, section 1, of the Constitution of the Communist Party of America, adopted in 1921, reads as follows: The name of this organization shall be the Communist Party of America, Section of the Communist International. In his History of the Communist Party of the United States, William Z. Foster lists its conventions under the following designations: Communist Labor Party ( 1919); Communist Party of America ( 1919, 1920, 1921, 1922); United Communist Party of America (1921); American Labor Alliance ( 1921); Workers Party of America ( 1921, 1922, 192.3, 1924); Workers (Communist) Party of Amer­ica ( 1925, 1927, 1928, 1929); Communist Party, USA ( 19.30, 1932, 1934, 1936, 1938, 1940, 1945, 1943, 1950); Communist Political Association ( 1944 ), thus establishing the continuity of the organization under the titles given. At its convention in Kovcmber, 1940, the Communist Party, USA, decided: That the Communist Partv of the USA, in Convention assembled, does hereby cancel' and dissolve its organizational affiliation to the Communist International 0 • 0 for the spe­cific purpose of removing itsdf from the terms of the so-calkd \'oorhis Act. 0 0 0 The Subversive Activities Control Board found, 1 however, that the disaffiliation did not altN in any substantive way the rela­tionship between the Respondent (CPUS A) and the Commu­nist International. 0 0 0 In 1943 when the Soviet Union was our ally in \Vorld \\'ar II, the Communist International was dissolved on the initiative of the Presidium of its Executive Committee. The Communist Party, USA, publicly approved this deci­sion. In September, 1947, a conference of nine leading European Communist parties established the Information Bureau of Communist and \Vorkers' Parties (Cominform). The American party hailed the establishment of the Infor­mation Bureau as a much-needed center of cooperation, hut did not affiliate in view of the Voorhis Act, and other legislation (statement of national board, CPU SA, in Politi­cal Affairs, December, 1947). The Subversive Activities Control Board found~ that - Ht·port. p . 1-L -R•port, p. 19. the Communist Infonnation Bun:au rt:pr('sents what the Communists consider the hesl possible substitute at the present time for the Communist lntt•mational and that Re­spondent's support of the Information Bureau • 0 0 and its non-deviation from the line of the Bureau, arc done for the purpose and with the aim of advancing the objectives of the world Communist movement. The main reports at the founding meeting of the Co111i 11 form were presented by A. Zhdanov, then a member of th• Politburo of the Communist Party of the Soviet Uni 011 secretary of its Central Committee and a colonel-gene!" in the Hed Army, and by Georgi ~I. ,\!alcnkov, then gene! secretary of the CPSU and Deputy Chairman of tli Council of ,\!inisters of the oviet Union. 3. The current constitution of the Communist PMI' USA, adopted in 1945, amended in 1948 and reaffirmed 1950, states in its preamble: The Communist Party of the United States is a politi<"11 party of the American working class, basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialisrn, ~lanism-Lcninism. In his address to the Supreme Soviet of the USSil 0 August 8, 1953, fr. Malenkov indicated how close' Iarxism-Leninism is officially identified with the Corll~111 nist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet govern111C' itself, when he declared: The Communist Party and tlw Sovi•·t government kno'" where and how to lead the pt'Opl<', because they arc guidrJ by the scientific th<'Ory of social development - ~larxis111 • Leninism 0 0 0 The Sovi<·t stat<' and the Communist p"rtY equcp the people on the basis of tlw teaching of \larx-Enl(t'Is· Lenin-Stalin with a profound knowl .. dge of the objective '""( of the development of society, the law. of the construction 11 communism, and thereby giw th('m a clear prospect of th<' constructive activity of the So' i"t people. 4. The Communist International with headquarter> 1 i\!oscow sent representatives to tll(' American Cornm0 ~ Party who wielded unquestioned authority. The Stib'" sive Activities Control Board found that - A preponderance of the t•vidcn<·c ckarly shows that reprc' scntatives of the CPSU W<'r<' in the United States and th•~ through them respondent [CPU A) received directives '1 11 instructions. (Report, p. 61). These representatives included: G. Valetski (Vaktsi' 1922; Joseph Pogany, alias John Schwartz, alias John J'< Per, ali S. Gussc alias \Ji Brown gel, 192! Gerhard 19.32 anc alias Jen ~I. Jenk Brown 1934; i.( 19.3.t; H alias W< 5. Frc nist Intc 40 to 50 eel these of these cornrnittc ln his A.rnc•rica1 r'oster, r teHified l~11sincss Conirnur, ~ltivcs i11 hcrn we Hobert ~ Cc·orgp · Dunne' Andre,~ 6. \JC'r assigned \Joscow \Jarx-L~i <'ditor of roughs, E t·\1n <Ie pa · C. Bo~ for the C of thp So Stron I;, C'i 11. 7· Lea1 1\ncd 1" rc·prcscnt l\"crn. E '\ '· •a . tonbC'rg Anicric·i Jo1er1i 'z C..P o rge,) a1n and las D ~t oze c'l. , 19'_>,­h · · Lea< In• tve p 11 II > I ternati ic<11:io1J<· I r·n ' /Ice, Th l or a Peo >(•en A. 1 .'\ . · · rnt(•r %9. 'fhe' i Ools in ng, With Iver 1 p. e ate1 dtl)." L; 1t the 1t the lt Re· ind its 'or the of the : CoJJ1ill <Cf of th• 't Unio11 1-gcnct« n genrt 1 of tl st PM1' finned 10litic"I IOn the ussF 0 v c1asc1 CoJJ1D1'' vernt11c t Jeno''' guidcJ arxis1W .t p,,rtY En!!ds- '\"C l;.1\\·~ otion of of th« t rcpW nd th•~ vcs ~lfl Valets~' John l'• Per, alias John S"ift, 1922-29; Boris Hcinstein, 1922; S. Guss<'\, alias P. Green, alias Drapkin, 192.5; Y. Sirola, alias \lillt'r, 1926, 1927; Arthur Ewert, alias Braun, alias Brown, alias Berger, 1927; Han: Pollitt, 1929; Philip Den­gel, 1929; B. \likhailov, alias George Williams, 1929, 1930; G<'rhard Eisler, alias Hans Bcrp;cr, alias Edwards, 1931, l~.32 and 1940-4.5; Carl E. Johnson, alias Scott, alias Jensen, ~has Jenson, 1921, 1922; Petersen, 192.5, 1926; \Iarcus, alias ·I. Jenks, 1928; F . .\Iarini, alias \lario Alpi, alias Fred ~ro\~n, 19;18-4.8; "·'.illiam Hust, 1927; Willi .\luenzenherg, 1 93{ Loms G1barti, also kno\\n ;is Dobos, 1927, 1928 and ~34, Haymond Guyot, 193S; ). uscfo\'lch; Paul .\lerker, ahas \\'agner. . .5. From \larch 1, 1919, to August 21, 19.3.5, the Commu­~; lst International .held SC\ en congresses in \loscow. From to 50 leadc•rs of the American Communist Party attend­c1 these meetings from time to time. As a rule, one or more 0 these leaders w<'re chosen to he member of tht' executive committee of the Communist Jntt'rnational. I\ ln his appearance before the House Committc•c on U11- Fmc•rican \ctivities, on September 29, 19.'39, \Villiam z. t Oster, present chairman of the Communist Party, USA, 1cstificd that he had visited the Soviet Union on official ~Hsiness at least 10 times hct\\Pen 1921 and 1937. The . 0mrnunist International maintained American rcprcsent­. tii tivcs· m· _' ,foscow between congresses. lncludC'Cl among p,1cb were Benjamin Gitlow, Israel Amter, \fa, Bedacht, C 0 <'rt .\Iinor. Louis J. Engdahl, Earl Bro\\der, Harrison Dt·orgt>. IT. \1. Wicks, William W. \Veinstone, William F. i\~~~ne, Clan·nce Hathaway, John J. Ballam, J. Peters, 6 rew Overgaard, John Little. a .. : \It•mbers of the American Communist Party were .\~signed to official posts in the Communist apparah1s in ~loscow, notably: Leonard Emil \!ins, editor for the ;.ct'\·Lenin Institute prior to 19.36; Schaehno Epstein, ro it~r of the Emes until his death in 1915; \Villiana Bur­caug is, English language announcer for the' Anglo-Ameri­\.~ departmen.t of the \Ioscow rad.io until ?ctolwr, ~94.5; fort. Bosse, ahas Alfred J. Brooks, mformational specialist •>f ti he Communist International; JosC'ph Kowalski. head Str le So\·iN penitentiary from 1920 to 1923; Anna Louise 7 ong, editor of the .\loscoic Daily Neics. Si · Leading members of the Ameriean partv were as­r. v!pln ec]. bY t Il e Communist 1n ternational to p.o sts as CI \Ve rescntatives in other countries. l ncludcd in this group \r re; Ear! Browder, China, 1927, Spain, 1936-39; Philip l\~n >erg, China; ~Jarry .\I. \Vicks, Germany and Latin Jos er;ca, 1926; \Villiam F. Dunne, France and Germany; c/P 1 Zaek Kornfoder, Latin ;\merica, 1932; Harrison aino.rge, \Jontc\iclrn, 1926; Charlc•s Krumbein, Great Brit­hts ~<l. China, 1930; Hobert \linor, Spain, 1936-.'39; Nicho­~ tc 1 °zt•nherg - Sen ict \lilitarv Intelligence, Hu mania, '> 927-39. . h<&tv. , l , e·'1<1.·m g members of the Communist Party, U SA , Int e Puhhslwcl articles in official organs of the Communist Ii c'<<lti' rnati ona I and later the Cominform. Among t I1 ese pu h - "nee o~s have been The Intemational PrC'SS Correspond­Por ' he Communist International, For a L<1sting Peace, ht·ena People's Democracy. Among such contributors have I. Arn A. B. Magil, Carl RC'eve, William L. Patterson, 9 ;c-r, \Jax Bedacht, Earl Browder, William Z. Foster. \c·h~olsh~ .\Jarx-Lenin In.stitute a~1d other . Commtu~st lQg . ll1 \ioscow have J:?;iven spee1al re\·olutwnary tra111- 1ve;e\~ith all expenses paid, to \nwrican Communists who !>art} .tter assigned to important pmts by the Communist ' \.;S.\. Amon!( those so trained were: Carl Reeve, };' .\t:r s Font'' '\1 \1s, Jforclt, 1956 Charil's Krumlwin. Joseph Zack Kornfedcr, \Villiam Odell '\o\\ell, Beatrict' Siskind, Clarence IIathawa), .\!orris Childs, Harr) \I. \Vicks, \Iarccl Sherer, and Lovett Fort­\ Vhitcman. 10. ThP Communist Party, CSA. has, since its birth, rPcogniz('d the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as its model and leading part~. In his hook, Toicard Sodet America. published in 1932, William Z. Foster, presently party chairman, has said: Tlw Communist Party of the lJnitl'd Stall's 0 0 0 is the .American s~:dion of the Communist Inkrnational 0 • 0 The Communisl 111krnational is a disciplinl'd world party 0 0 0 Jls leading party, hy ,·irtuc of its gn•;.\t n·,·olutionary e\peri­ «nn-, is the Russi.in Cornmunist Party (pp. 2!58, 25q) In his llistory of the Communist Party of the United States, published in 19.52, \\'illiam Z. Foster maintains his thesis: Ll'nin was also the architect and chief organizl'r of the grl'al Russian Communist Party 0 0 0 It is incomparably the most highly clcn•loped political organization in the hi.story of 111<1nkind 0 0 0 (p. J.51). l n the Daily \l'orkcr of \lareh .5, 1939, the following cabled <•ditorial from the Jloscow Pracda is reprinted: The Com1111mist Party of t1H..' SoYid lTnion always was and always will lw a model, an C\<lmplc for the Communist partil'S of all countries . At its meeting on December 3-.5, 1938, the National Com­mittee of the Communist Party, US.\., members \1·crc given the follo\\inJ:?; instrnctions in regard to The Ilistory of the Co1111111111i.1I Party of the' Soriet Union: ll will lw thl' ta'k and dut) of lht• nwmbt'rship and orl(an­izations of tlw Con11m111ist Party in tlw ('Ollling- months to org:111izt• and carry through the distribution of th(' minimum of J00,000 copi"' of this book . Testifying before the House Committee on Un-American Acti1 itic:s on S('ptemh('r 8, 1939, Benjamin Gitlow, Commu­nist candidate for \'ice-Prc•siclent in 192-1 and 1928, a for­mer mt'mht'I" of the Political Committee of the Communist Par(\, LS.-\. and of the exeeuti\ c committc·c• of the Commu­nist I nt('rnational, ckscribed the relationship between tl1e Hussian Communist Part\ and the Communist Interna­tional \\ ith \\hich the CPUS . .\ was affiliated. as follows: \\"lwrt'<IS the. ·\meriean party 0 0 0 had to carry out deci­sions ol tlw Co11111111111st International (•:xplicitly, the Russian party was gin•n a pri\il<.•gcd 1x>sition. Tlw Russian party was pNmitted nol only lo re\ iew all dl'cisions of tlw Communist lnlt'rnational, but, if 1wct'SS.lf), lo takt• it up in its political c.·011H11ill<.'<' and to change th<'se <l<·cisions 0 0 0 and that ded­sion [of the Russian part)] becomes binding upon tlw P•trlil'S of tlw Comnnmist J nkrnationa1. Anotht'r important fact to be<tr in mind is that 0 0 0 the n1ll·S goYerning the Communist International pn>Yidc that wlwn<'n'r a p;.trty s<•nds n.•pn.'S<.'ntatin·s to tlw Communist Inll'nl•ttional, or delegall'S to the l'Ongrl'SS<'s of the Communist lnh'rnationi.11, those dd<·gaks cannot hl' instn1cted 0 0 0 The only partr that has tlw right lo instntl'l its d<'kgat<·s to the Communist International and to make thes<.' instructions bind­in~ on tlw dt'le~aks is the Russian Communist Party 0 0 0 In othl'r words, tlwy han• huilt the Cornmunist International organi:t•ttion in such a way that th<• Russians under no cir­<. ·umstances can lose control of the Communist lnternationaJ. The Suh\ ersivc Activities Control Board has found, on the basis of the evidence, that - All of llw heads of thl' Comint<'rn that are idt•ntifil'd in the record l1<l\ c lwcn ll'adin!( members of the Communist l'arl) of tlw O\it•t Union. (Rqxirt, p. 11.) Alt'x:111dl'r Bittelman, a founder and leading member of the national hoard of CPlJSA, has statt'd, in his pamphlet Milestones in the llistory of the Co11111111nist Party: The Communi;t Intcrn.1tional and its m(){ld p.trt} - the Page 5 Communist Partr of the ovict Union - headed by Comrade Stalin, gave us the guidance that helped the American Com­munists to find the way to the masses and to the position of , anguard ( p. 8). • 0 • The leading role of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union needs neither explanation nor .1pology. A Party that has opened up the epoch of the world re,·olution, and that is successfully building a classless society on one-sixth of the earth, is cheerfully recognized and fol­lowed as the leading Party of the world ( p. 21). 11. From its very inception, the Communist Party, USA, has received instructions and directives from Moscow, the headquarters of the Communist International, on such important matters as the following: (a) :\Ierger of the Communist Party of America and the Communist Labor Party ( 1920). (b) Combining legal and illegal work (1922). ( c) Campaign in behalf of political prisoners ( 1923). (d) Establishment of the Daily Worker (1923). (e) Establishment of the Workers Party of America as the legal branch of the Communist Party ( 1923). (f) :\lerger of Proletarian Party of America with the Workers Party of America ( 1923). ( g) Praising achievements of the party ( 1923, 1924). (h) Attitude toward the LaFollette movement (1924). ( i) Fusing together the foreign language sections of the party ( 1925). (;) Reorganization of the party on a shop nuclei basis ( 1925). (k) Trade union activity ( 1925). (l) Sending of an American trade union delegation to the USSR ( 1925). (m) Removal of Daily Worker and party headquar­ters from Chicago to ew York ( 1926). (n) Attitude of the American party toward the r\icaraguan situation ( 1928). (o) Celebration of international holidays (1928). ( p) Permission to hold a national convention ( 1928). ( q) International Red Day campaign ( 1929). (r) Trade Union Unity Convention (1929). (s) Gastonia campaign ( 1929). (t) Work among the miners (1929). (u) All-America Anti-Imperialist League (1929). (v) Liquidation of party factions ( 1929). (w) Recall of the executive secretary of the CPUSA ( 1929). (x) Changes in the party secretariat ( 1929). (y) Address containing instructions from the Com­munist International directly to the members of the CPUSA (1929). (;:;) Cablegram of instructions from the Young Com­munist International to the Youn(( Communist League of the USA ( 1929). ( aa) Criticism of issues of the Daily Worker ( 193.3). (bb) Formation of a third party (19.3.5). 12. The official litcrahire of the Communist Party, USA (Daily Worker, Political Affairs, etc.), has paralleled the line of Soviet publications (Pravda, Izvestia, New Times, etc.) from the foundation of the party to date. This paral­lelism has been maintained throughout all Buch1ations in Soviet policy: for and against the League of ations, for and against cooperation with the democracies against Fascist aggression, for and against peaceful coexistence, etc. American Communist publications have even reprint­ed articles from these Soviet publications for the guidance of their readers. The Subversive Activities Control Board has held that: , . Rcspondc·nt has established a press in the United States patterned alter that in the Soviet Union which operates as a means of setting forth for Respondent's members the correct line as laid down by the Soviet Union; 8. The press in the Soviet Union and the journal of th<' Communist Information Bureau are major communication means whereby dircctivc•s and instructions of the Sovie•! Union arc issued to Respondent 0 0 0 The Attorney General, in his petition to the Subversh·c Activities Control Board, has stated: Throughout its existcnt'c tht' Communist Party Ot'\'Cr knowingly has deviated from the views and policies of the government and Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the Communist International, the Communist Information Bureau and other leaders of the world Communist movement. When­ever such views and policic·s have conflicted with the position taken by the Government of the United States, the Commu­nist Party has opposed the position of the United States (Report, p. 79). 13. The Attorney General, in his petition to the Subvcr· sive Activities Control Board, has further stated: The Communist Party regularly reports and has rcport<'d to the government and Communist Party of the Soviet Union and to the Communist International and the Communist Information Bureau 0 0 0 (Report, p. 89). Such reports were printed in official organs of the Coinn1ll' nist International and the Cominform such as Tlie Int er· national Press Correspondence, For a Lasting Peace, for~ People's Democracy, etc. CPUSA leaders William Z. F0 :'· ter and Alexander Bittelman submitted such reports i 11 1926, Benjamin Gitlow in 1927, 1928, and 1929, and EM Browder, in 1932. 'lt· 14. The Communist Party, USA, has accepted the st• utes set down by the Communist lntcrnationa~ in .~ l os~''J The Communist Party - a Manual on Organization b} . Peters formerly CPUSA representative in that city a00 forme~ head of the Communist underground in the Unit1 ' States, states that he has depended, for the material in th manual, upon the "resolutions and decisions on the q111" tion of organization adopted by the Second Organizatio11· Conference of the Communist International." The SeC01'. Congress of the Communist International held in 19~ decided that - All the parties and organizations comprising the Comn1t1· nist International h<·ar the nanw of th!' Communist Party of the given country (section of tlw Communist International) In line with this decision, the American party designa1' 11 itself as a "section of the Communist International" uO the party's disaffiliation to circumvent the Voorhis Act 1 1940. r Article 3, section l, of the constitution of the \,York~, (Communist) Party declared that a membership rcQ111 ment is acceptance of - the program and statutc·s of the Communist I ntcrnational and of the \Yorkers (Communist) Party 0 0 0 15. Point 15 of the Conditions of Admission to the O~ munist International, adopted in 1920 and accepted b) 1 American Communist Party, was the provision that - the program of each party bc•longing to the Communist Jntrr· national should be confirmed by the nc't congrc·ss of th< Communist International or its Executive Committee. ·o 16. At conventions of the CPU SA, fraternal grcctt tt were exchanged between the American party and ., Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Subver5 ', Activities Control Board notes such interehangeS 11 CPUSA com·entions in 1921, 1927, 1929, and 1950 (IM" pp. 95-93) . ~ 17. In his p tition to the Subversive Activities C00 Board the Attorney General held as follows as to the ' 1 ciplinary power to which the CPUS!\ is subordirn1tcd: I· filing Part) ciplir Part) llw ( This cl bring a the CF rnernhe Wig Lo D. \Vol as well as a 1rrcct f the :a ti on ;odd ne\'cr ,f the l, the ureau l'hen- 1sition rnmu· States Sub\"er· )()rt<'cl Union nunist Comrn11• 1e Inter· :e, For 0 z. fo~· ports i11 lnd E•1r the st•11· 1osC011 01i by I city ao't e Unitl" al in th• he q11C1 1izatioil· ~ SeC011 in 19~ 0111111\1· art1 of .ional) , signn1' ial" 11111 iis Act' worker 1 rcqt1ir< the co~ ed h)' 1 that-t Inter· of th' grec tiJiIt' and .1 ubvers' angcs ' I ( JleP''' l~ co11~, 0th£' l natrtl: From the inception of the organization to th(' clak of the filing of this p<'lition, the principal b1ders of tlw Communist Party han· h(·t•n and arc subjt•ct to and rc('Ognize the clis­c: iplinary power of the ovi(•t government, th<' Communist Party of tlw So\·iet Union, tlw Communist International and th(• Communist Information Burf'au 0 0 0 (Rcp0rt, p. 99). This disciplinary power has been sufficiently strong to bring about the expulsion of two ('xecutive secretaries of the CPUSA, namely Jay Lovestone and Earl Browder, members of the partv's executive committee such as Lud­wig Lore, James P. Cannon, \Villiam F. Dunne, Bertram D. Wolfe, Benjamin Gitlow, and Joseph Zack Kornfcder, as well as entire sections of the organization. POLITICAL PARTY OR Co~ PIHACY Sine(' the Communist Party, USA, is in fact simply the i\merican branch of the Hussian Communist Partv, it fol­lows faithfully the conspiratorial pattern laid dO\~n by its Parrnt hodv. _The Hus.~ian Communist Party, the focal point and radi­ating C(•nt(•r of the international Communist movement, ow<'s its inception to V. T. Lenin, its guiding genius on ~alters of organization. The principles upon which the Communist mon•m(•nt was founded were therefore based Primarily upon his experience with the czarist regime under which the labor and socialist movem(•nts were ille­gal ancl the rights to freedom of speech, press and assembly ~ere non(",istent. \\'idespread discontent of the laboring c asses and the peasantry could find no legal outlet or remecl), with thP n•sult that attempted assassinations of govt·rnm(•nt officials and even of the Czar, wert• not un­t'Ominon. L(•nin's own brother was executed as a rt•sult of on? sueh an attempted assassination. In this atmosphere ~t is understandable that Lenin envisaged an organization adaptpd to tlw specific purpose of violent overthrow of his ~\~·n W>V<•rnmcnt. :\'eccssarily, therefore, this movement ;·ls l'onspiratorial. In his authoritative work \\Thal ls To e Do11e, published in Fehruarv, 1902, in reference to Party organization, Lenin laid do~vn the principle that - ~~~llS~irnt} i.., so (•ssential a c:ondition of an organiz;ltion of f 11 " kind that all otlwr eond1tions 0 0 0 must hl' made to eon­onn with it. nl0<ht} the Communist mo,cment is no longer an insig­n'. tt~ant Hussian sect fighting against czarism, hut an inter­cis~? naJ men enwnt st:cking world con<.111c·st and more spe­it. '1 ]]} tlw dc•struct1011 of the Amen can government as u~ chit'f ohstaelt•. TTence the Communist Party, USA, as d organic• part of that movement dedieated to the same l :st~·uc.ti, c pur1>ost', has necessarilv assunwd the same ''nl . . . . . f th nist conspiratorial guis<•. Tlw other charactenst1cs o ~~ nio, rnwnt flow logically from this basic conception .. er;/. Way of contrast, '\merican political parties, despite tu]]~c~sn1s tlw} may make of pu hlic polic), are fumlame_n­lu\\." · O} al to our form of go' ernnwnt and conform to its "ci .s. Th<·y n·h upon the duh constituted agencies of our ,., \:(ltl} . • . for rnt•nt and the operation of otrr cit'mocrat1c processes th<• corrcetion of griC\'<lllCt's. \ln,JTAl1Y ASPHT Pt•A.inciican political parties carry on their acti,·ities by ' 1l'<•fu] · I I t in iv). nwa11s within the confines of our ega struc ure 11p0 11 ch the} han· full faith. The Communist Party looks thron .011r gO\ t'rnnwnt as ils <·1wmy which it seeks to over­' Jii·t 11 by forceful means. Hence, it is organized along n'· tti'oYn-·r nI ilitar1. lint's. The 1>ro,.," ram of the Communist Inter-tire• Cpl. adopted at its s_i,th congress in 1928, endorsed h): 1n'.t( I( •tli .S \, and neYcr smct' re1rnd1atcd or su1wrseded, has lrs plain h} calling for f\,. ts l<'o1n " a combination of strik(•s and armed demonstrations and fin­ally, the gt·neral stril..:c co-jointly with ~•rmt·d insurn•ction against thl' stale power of the bourgoisie (i.e., capitalists). The lattc.•r form of str11gglt', which is the supreme form, must he conducted according to rules of milit:lr} sci('ll<'(' 0 0 0 • Writing on "Lenin's Conception of the Party," in the January, 193.J, issue of The Co111m1111isf, official theoretical organ of the Communist Party, USA, F. Bro" n, alias Alpi, a well-kno\\ n representative of the Communist Interna­tional, emphasizes this point. He holds up a modern army as "a good example of organization" which "knows how to impart a single will to millions of people." DISC!PLIXE Our traditional poltical parties arc loose organizations operating under a 'ery fluid and flexible discipline. ~1em­bcrs and lt>aders will differ sharply with each other and still remain within tlw same organization. Lenin concci\"C•d the Communist Party, however, as an organization which - will b<• ahl<· to fulfill its duty onl)· if it will h<• organized in the most t•t•ntralizcd nlilnner, if it \\'ill lw gon·rn('(I hy an iron disciplin(•, hord(•ring on military discipline 0 0 0 (Conditions for Affiliation to the Comintern). "\Vhy do the Communists attach so much importance to discipline?" asks J. Peters in his authoritative pamphlet, The Comm1111ist Party - a :\la1111a/ on Orga11i;::,atio11, and he answers this question as follo\\·s: Because without discipline there is no unit> of will, no unity of ~lc:lion. 0 0 0 The class \\ar is bitter. The encrn~· is powerful. 0 0 0 In order to <:omhat and defeat this pmn•rful enemy, the anni of th<' proldariat must ha\c a highly skill<•d, trained Cm<'ral Staff [the Communist Part)]. which is united in a<:tion ;.tnd has orw will. Again Peters pointedly asks, "How can the Anny fight against the arm) of the enemy if e,·er) soldier in the Army is allowed to question and even disobey onlt•rs of his supe­rior o!fict•rs?" Tht• Communist Party, L'SA, has therefore not lwsitated to e\pel even its higJ{est officials for actual or suspected de' iation from the official line of \loscow. In Hussia and other Communist countries such deYiationists have been shot. Communist leaders ha,·c frequently r<'­fcrrcd to till' part} with pride as monolithic. Al'TllOHITY AT THE TOP Political parties as wt• know them arc highl) responsive to the sentiment of their constituents and of the A.merican people as a whole. They encourage independence and ini­tiatin•. They are esscntiall) democratic in their approach to the rank and file of party membership. Initiative and pressure eomc from below. In eonfonnance "ith its military character and objec­tives, the Communist Part) is organized from the top do\111. It is cssrntiall) undemocratic. The flo" of its direc­tives and stratt•gy proceeds from its highly centralized leadership in tilt' Hussian Communist Part} h} way of the Cominform to tlw similar!) centralizt•d leadership within the national hoard of the Communist Part), US\, and then on clown to the lower levels of the organization. \s J. Peters has pointed out to his fellow members of the Communist Part) , US.\, in his ~ll11n11al on Organi::.ation, "All lower Party organizations are subordinated to the higher bodies." The l'rogramnw of the Communist International is quoted from l'etitio1lt'rs E\hihit 12.5 h) tlw Subversive Activities Control Board to sho" that the Communist Parties arc organized on the basis of dcmoeratic central-ism: Tlw Communist l11tl'rn;1tional ancl ib St"dions .1n.· huilt 11p on the basis of dl'mocratic centralism, the fundanwntal prin­ciples of whkh arc: (a) Election of all leading commitkl'S of the Party • • •; ( h) periodical reports hy leading Party com­mittees to their constituents; ( c) decisions of superior Party c:ommittees to he ohlig1.ttory for subordinate committec·s, strict Party discipline and prompt execution of the decisions of the Communist Intern;ttional, of its leading committees and of tlw leading Party centres. Party questions may be discussed hy the members of the Party and by Party organizations until such time as a decision is taken upon th,.m hy the compctl'nt Party committcc·s. After a decision has h<·en tak<·n by the Congress of the Communist International, hy the Congress of the respective Sections, or hy leading committ<·('S of the Comintcm, and of its ,·arious Sec:tions. thcs<' dt'<:isions must be unreservedly carried out c,·cn if a Section of tlw Party membership or of the local Party organiz.ttions arc in disagreement with it. ( p. 56). In his work entitled One Step Forward, Tu;o Steps Back, published in 1904, Lenin ridiculed political parties which "proceed from the bottom upwards" and stressed the superiority of a party which "strives to proceed from the top downwards, insisting on the extension of the rights and authority of the centre over the parts." In a debate with Lenin as carlv as 1904 Leon Trotskv outlined with remarkable foresight the type of organizatio~ which Lenin cn\'isaged. In Lenin's scheme the party takes the place of the working class. The party organization dis­places the party. The Central Committee displaces the party organization, and Snail} the Dictator displaces the Central Committee. Excu:stvE :\lnrnERSillP :\lembcrship in our traditional political parties is easily obtainable and comparatively unrestricted. This is not true of the Communist Party, which is highly exclusive and restricted to those who pass its rigid membership require­ments. ln "'hat ls To Be Done? Lenin outlined his conception of the exclusiveness of the Communist Party, which has been a standard guide for Communists throughout the world. He declared that - the rnore narrou: we make the membership of this organiza­tion, allowing only such persons to be members who arc engaged in rnolution as a profession and who have been professionally train<'d in the art of comhattinll the political police, the more diflicult it will he to "catch" the org;tniz.1- tion. o o o PROFESSIO:\'AL RE\'OLUTTO:\'lSTS A member of an American political party, as a rule, has many other interests, including his club, his church, his \\Ork, his friends, and his family. Communists, on the other hand, arc expected to be professional revolutionists who, as Lenin announc<•d in his paper, the Iskra ( park) in December, 1900, :\o. 1, "shall devote to the revolution not onl~ their spare e\·cnings, hut the whole of their li,·es." Few Americans realize what this means since no bona fide political part} would dare to make such demands upon its members. Speaking for the Communfat Part}, USA, in his :\fanual on Organi::ation, J. Peters explains: A profossional revolutionist is rc·ady to go \vhent.'\'t•r and wherever the Party sc·ncls him. Today he may he working in .t rnine, org1_mizing the Party, the trade unions, leading: struggles; tomorrow, if the Party so decides, he may ll!' in a st<·d mill; the clay aft<•r tomorrow, he may be a leader and organizer of the un(·mplo}·ed 0 0 0 • From tlWS(' comrades the P•trlY cl<'m•mcls eH'rything. Th1·y accept Party assignments - the mattc·r of family associations and other per<0nal proh­lt ·ms arc consicler<'cl. hut ar<' not cl<'cisiw. If the class stniggll' cl<•mancls it, II!' will l1•a\!" his famil>· for months, cH·n y1·,irs 0 0 0 • Our task is to male l'\'(•ry Party member a professional n.·\ olutionist in this st·ns(•. J. V. Peters, described by Whittaker Cham­bers as head of the Communist under­ground in the USA. WIDF. wonr.o PllOTO brPOHTA'<'CE OF THEORY 1 'one of our American political parties is so fanatically bound h} dogma as is the Communist Party, which is devoted to the theories of \larxism-Lcninism-Stalinisn1 · Briefly this dogma is based upon the following fa]sr conceptions: I l. That all phases of American life, industry, educn· tion, religion, politics, the press, radio and films, e\'C11 family life, are dominated primarily by an irreconcilabk class struggle between the capitalists and the workers· 2. That our system of free capitalist enterprise (which has produced for the American people the highest livin~ standards in the world), has actually outlived its usr· fulncss and must be destroyed. 3. That the system of communism (with its sln' 1 labor camps, low living standards, and one-party dict•1 · tors hip over e\·cry phase of human life) is superior 1 ' and must take the place of our system of free enterprise thus abolishing the class struggle for all time. f 4. That American democracy is not a government 0 by, and for the American people hut a capitalist diet.I· torship, which must be destroyed. . 5. That this change to communism and a classic~· society can be brought about only by the violent orrr· throw of the capitalist system and our form of goverP· m~t t 6. That the Communist Party is destined to carr)' 0 11 this historic mission. 7. That Communists owe their highest and unrcscr'·r< loyalt}· to the Soviet Union, where the Communist S)'. tern has been finally established. For tactical reasons these conceptions may be sli((ht~' modified by the ruling hierarchy or disguised to a,·oI~ legal prosecution, but the basic principles remain the snP 1 and arc returned to when a t<'mporary emergency h•'' passed. Thus, the Communist Party, SA, advocated operation with the capitalists and with American defll't< racy when Russia faced destruction from Adolph JiitJ;· only to return to its former hostility to capitalism when 11 war was over and Hitler was destroyed. . This chain of dogma is the framt' of reference by ,,·h1 • the Communist interprets the world around him and 111~!' out his bclun·ior. It provides him with a clear perspec11 ' of his present and future battles. It indicates the ~(li toward which he is striving and which justifies every 1nr'1 1 FACTS Font\! ~Ews, ;\fare/I, lg.JI from tn inspirin Amer tion car that car a low el The ( every d: full-tim< campaig America agents n 0Pportm of civil church, S1 o po consciou lllunist F charactc1 lllakes ti n.i<Jues. 1 siderabl Zation. F organs, k as Well organizat Party mt national I s?llle pa1 rial and 1 country f }n 193.5 ti ,; Peters ~very C organizat organizat blSll1.E l Our po a rule m affairs' or not is gcncr true in Corn control~~ class Th· and· I! ivo Prof, ~en's! llohtica] Irate P t encn ltre its st 1(11ards 't to. IS tnSJtrat i In a lett, 0~g With • ganizati ralll'S I \ I d I Pre4a As ~ates i~ st i· consider 1lto n tow1 I> <\r-rs Fo escribed :ham· f the der­USA. aticall) hich i' ilinisn1. g fa]sf educ•1· s, e,·e11 1cilahlt 1orker1· (which t )ivi11¢ its use· s sla,·c y dict<I erior tr :erprist nent of. t dict·1· ~lassie'' nt o,·er· govero· ot arrY 0 ·escr'·c<1 nist sY" • ~rom treason to murder. It offers a powerful political myth inspiring Communists with fanatical zeal. A FuLL-T1'rn 0nCA'iIZATI0"1 . American political parties arc usually active during elec­tion campaigns. Th(•ir primary function is to elect this or that candidate to office. Between campaigns activity is at a low ebb. The Communist Partv functions at all times of the vear, every day of the week: and at all hours of the day. It is a full-time organization which is not resb·icted to election campaigns. It persistently seeks to permeate C\'Cry phase of American life for its own subversive purpose. Communist agents may be found wherever and whenever there is an opportunity for Communist propaganda or the promotion of civil strife, whether it he the factorv, the union, the church, the school, or the neighborhood. SuPEnSE'\S1nv1TY ON OncA'iTZATJON i\fATTEHS o political party in this country ever was so supremely conscious of the mechanics of organization as is the Com­lhunist Party. This is a demonstration of its quasi-military character. Like an army, it pays marked attention to what ~akes the wheels go round and to organizational tech­n_ icl.ues. The Communist International has published con­sid~ rable literature dealing specifically with party organi­zation. From time to time the party has published special organs, known as the Party Organizer and later as Contact, as Well as pamphlets and articles, dealing with purely organizational problems and intended only for the eyes of Party members. Every convention and meeting of the national committee of the Communist Party is devoted in 5 ?7e part to organizational questions. Voluminous mate­ria and directives on such matters have been sent to this ~ountry from \loscow for the use of the American party. Jn l9.l5 the part} published its Manual 011 Organization by E Peters, after he had spent years of study in i\foscow. Very Communist unit and front organization has its Organizational director, a post peculiar to this type of organization. DE:S 11\E TO Co,rnoL 011 DESTHOY 0TJIEl1 OncA,lZATlO!\'S a Our political parties respect oth('r organizations and, as aft~le, make little effort to interfere with their internal no airs or to conb·ol them. Traditional political parties do is t generally penetrate other political parties. The reverse Ctru e · 111 the case of the Communist Party. co 0mmunists look upon all organizations not under their cl ntro] as instrumentalities of the enemy, of the ruling a:J5 · This h~lcls true for.the. government, the unions, ~ivic ivorn P~ofc s1onal orga111zat1ons, fraternal orga111zat10ns, Po]· ~n s groups, youth groups, religious groups, and even tratlhca] parties. T n warfare it is standard practice to pene­t11r e .enemy territory and dislocate its machinery or cap­'' u e Its strongholds. The Communist Party, while it safe- "to <i trd s i·t s own ranks against penetration, does not hesi· tate l nflJtrate other organizations. ing n a .1 tter to a comrade written in September, 1902, deal­Org · "".1th organizational problems, Lenin called for an • ' 1ra n.1z·1t· h · I " b · · I · II " d 6 • ion w 1c 1 must c consp1ratona rnterna y an sprrni ed externallv" witl1 "feelers" stretclwd far and \vide-ead As , llat . · such an organization the Communist Party alter-it ces 1 ~ strategy between a soft policy toward those whom liti~nsiders currently useful and a policy of militant oppo-n toward those "horn it considers as current obstacles. t' .\("" · Font,,1 DECFPTIO' AS A .\IETHOD Fully aware that if it appeared openly in its trnc guise as a bridgehead of a hostile, foreign dictatorship, the Com­munist Party, USA, would attract little support, its methods arc based primarily upon deception. This approach is inherent in the Communist movement and was laid clown by Lenin in his work "Left-,Ving" Comm1111ism: An Infan­tile Disorder, first printed in Russia in April, 1920, in which he declares: It is nC'<·t·ssar> to agre!' to any and <'H'r)' sacrific!', and en•n - if net·d he - to resort to all sorts of cl"' ices, manocu­vn ·s, and illegal m<:thods, to evasion and suhkrfuge. 0 0 0 Hence the Communist Party, pro-Soviet always, never-theless calls itself the party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Lin­coln. It operates behind the scenes of the Progressive Party and the American Labor Partv. Its members resort to aliases and deny their affiliation. it builds up numerous front organizations with attracti,·e labels to ensnare the unwary in its various campaigns. Its leaders do not hesitate to deceive their own members as to the party's real nature and purpose. ALWAYS o' THE Orri::,SI\'E 'Well-intentioned but nah·c indi\·iduals arc constanth· deploring the fact that Communists rudely r('jC'ct thei'r amicable advances for good will and cooperation. They are wont to blame themselves or our own national policy for lack of response to their friendly overtures. They do not understand that the Communist Party, US.\, looks upon itself as being in the nature of a reconnaissance and com­mando force operating in enemy territor} in behalf of the Soviet fathC'rland. In accordance with this concept, just as in the case of an ach1al military detachment of a hostile, foreign foe based upon American soil, correct military strategy would call for a constant offensive against us, so the Communist Party stays constantly on the offensive against all who refuse to do its biddin!-(. This approach is clearly outlined b) Lenin in his Works, rnlume VI, page 291: Tht• cldt·nsl\l' is the death of t·,·cry ann<·cl uprismg; it is lost before it measun:s itself with its enemies. Surprii,c your antagonists whil(• thdr forces are scattering-, pn·pan• rn.•w suc­c<• sses, howt•\'!'r small, but daily; • • • in the words of Dan­ton, tlw greatt•st masl<'r of rC'volutionarr policy y!'t known, de l'm1dacc, de /'a11dace, encore de l'audace/ (audacity, auda­city, more aud,1city). Unaware of the philosophy behind Communist tactics, unsophisticated and softhearted liberals arc sometimes stunned by the barrage of invective which greets their well-meant advances. They are unmindful of Lenin's effort to arouse among his followers a "passion for political de­nunciation,'' a field in which he was a master. This will explain why a Communist always seem to carry a chip on his shoulder. This note of belligerence is echoed by J. Peters in the Co1111111111ist Party - o Jlo1111al 011 Organi;::(ltio11, where he indicates that the party - Unit as a whole and <'\·cry incli, idual member of the Unit should be known hy the workers in the street or town as fear­less fight<•rs • • •. The party operates on the theory that "He who is not with us, is against us." PLANXL'\G AHEAD \Vithin the ommunist Partv USA C'\·cn step is planned in detail from the smallest cluiJ'or unlt in the United States to the highest echelons of the international Communist apparatus in :\Ioscow - sometimes months or years in a(h·;mcc. :\othing is left to whim or circumstance. In part this is a reflection of the quasi-military character of the party. In part it is a carryover from the Russians and their passion for planning. For example, a number of Communist leaders now in the forefront of the rcvolutionarv movement in the Far East were educated and kept "on ice" for years in :\loscow until the right moment. The program of the Communist Intcrmttional adopted by its sixth congress in 19:28 stands toda)' as a definitive guide upon which present-day acthi­tics of the Communist movement in all parts of the world arc based. In the current struggle of democracy against the Communist menace, it would be suicidal to overlook this basic fact. H cncc the need for a diligent study of standard Communist literature by all its opponents. RED ELITE Despite the fact that it has brought misery and slavery whcre,·cr it has established its power, no American politi­cal party is as fervently imbued with its mission as is the WIDE WORl.ll PllOTO ''We Communists," declared Joseph Stalin at Lenin's funeral in 1924, "are men of a special mould. We are made of special material." Pictured above, left to right, ore Stalin, Trotsky, and Lenin. Communist Party. This conceit extends down to its rank­and- file members, encouraged and stimulated by Commu­nist leaders throughout the world. The Party-said Lenin in his "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder-is the highest form of tlw class organization of the proll'tariat; 1t should lead all the other forms of proletarian organintions. "\\'c Communists," declared Joseph Stalin at Lenin's funeral in 19:24, "arc people of a special mould. We arc made of special material. \Ve are those who comprise the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Lenin. There is nothing higher than belonging to this army." . .\!though the Communists have been repudiated bv labor throughout the world, Communist Partv literature i.s replete "·ith references to itself as "the leader ;nd organizer of the proletariat," "the vanguard of the working class," c\ en reaching the point where it is characterized as "the most complete bearer of the great achievements of tens of centuries of the rise of the human mind and its mastery of the earth." l'iDIVIDUAL HESPO'iSIBfLJTY Il~· and large American political parties are loose organi­zations in which indh·idual aceountabilih· is at a minimum. The Communist Party member, on the other hand, is never a free agent. He is held strictly responsible for his acts by his party superiors. This is a continuing process which places every party member and leader on the anxious seat at all times. As Lenin pointed out in his work ·w1iat Is To Be Done? in February, 190:2, reprinted and accepted as mandatory by all Communist Parties ever since, party members - arc keenly alive to their responsibility, knowing from experi­ence that in order to gl't rid of an undesirable member, an organization of true rnolutionarics will stop at nothing. He stressed the fact that such an organization "punishes with merciless severity every abuse of duty by a comrade. • • •" Penalties imposed have run all the way from cen­sure or expulsion to murder. CO'iTROL DY IlLACK,fAIL Outside of the Communist movement, especially in naive liberal circles, there is a prevailing illusion that Corn· munist discipline is primarily based upon high idealism and conviction. However, the chief conspirators in the Kremlin are not so impractical as to rely upon such fortui· tous and changing factors. They have too much at stake· Therefore a much more reliable instrument is employed. namely, blackmail. With the aid of extensive files contintt· ously augmented, showing every personal foible and rnis· step, every deviation from the party line, the threat of compromise or exposure affords an alternative means of insuring obedience. AT'.COSPIIERE OF D1 TRICT The Communist Party is permeated with an atmosphere of distrust toward every individual party member. Hence mcm hers and leaders arc su bjcct to a process of continuot1> checkup, totally at variance with procedure in our politic•1l parties. This is done through annual or more frequent registrations, internal purges and demands for reports ~!embers are expected to attend classes regularly and td keep abreast of official party literature in order to gu:1r against any possible defection from the current party Iu1e A Dt\' IS!VE PAHTY Wherever the Communist Party makes its appearance, ii serves as a force for division and friction, following the theon of divide and rule. Thus it seeks to alienate th< Unit~d States from its potential allies. Internally it thri>l'' upon promoting clashes: Between employer and employ~ landlord and tenant, white and cgro, native-born nil foreigner, Catholic, Protestant and Jew; behvcen the Amer: ican people and their government, and within every 11° 11 Communist organization. ATTITUDE TowAHD THE Con:n:-.:-m:-;T AND A'.IERICA:\ hSTITUTIO:\S Political parties as we know them in American life f11' 11 differ sharply with each other. The party not in office n1 ' 11 criticize the current administration unsparingly. Ilut fund· mentally both the Democratic and Hepublican Parties 11~ loyal to our form of government as it is presently coI1' 11 tutcd. '.ot s? with the Communist Party. . {.' Running hke a red thread through Communist teach111 J from the very inception of the movement is the note 1 1 total h?stili~ to our ~orm of government. For example,~~'. following points are included among the fundament;1l tn· of the econd Congress of the Communist Intcrnati011 • deliwred July 4, 19:20: th<: ,;oll'nt 01·crthrow of th<• bourgroi_sit• [capitalist], the t<>0~ fisc.1tion of its prop<:rty, tlw d<'strutt1on of tlw whole of th FArl'S Fom \! ~1:ws, 'fare/I, 1 ¢ hourg ta11·, pal, e In a of the 1 A.mericc. c. ll'tarfo ilrt• SI (p. 27 \f. J. com mitt nist) Fr tn1mism legislati; institutic c:apitalis ery o o As sh< the heel display Com111ur Foster's dictators be light! hp dc·cla; L'rn <-.1n, !) d.,t .. d of th,: 0ruani1 indudi1 rotary 1 ordcTs i """ t·t( Our Ar Pt1hlic oA of lov·ilt Th e C" om) ethics sh struggle "A''c e Ore Ii n' 1 th ll1or·'1 l' · I C O]d \I Particul·ir t·o • nc('ptio lllttn· 'O tst t<'I llr the lllor class , Sp<'cifl. \p]v IC ti cs iust 1e • t lntc•rp 'JC'cn r •f def~ ( 115 II c to I av to ing hi . Pcnc•tr Ure, to th cts by wMch nxious Done? Dry by I ri­' an mishes ·nradc. n cen· lily in t Corn· lcalisn1 in the forhti· : stake. ployed. ontint1· id rnis· rcat of ~ans of >sphere Jiencc tinuoll5 iolitic•1l reqticot reports. and to > gunrd rty JiOt" hourg"ois st.it<• apparatus from top to bottom - parliamen­tary, judicial, military, bureaucratic, administrative, munici­pal, etc. In a similar vein, \Villiam Z. Foster, present chairman of the CPUSA, has written in his hook, Toward Soviet America: Capitalist governments have nothing in common with pro­ktarian gon•rnments 0 0 0 • In the n..·,·olutionary stn1gglc th('y arl' smash<•cl and Soviet governnwnts established • • •" (p. 271). ~I. J. Olgin, a former member of the central executive committee of the CPUSA and an editor of the ( Commu­nist) Freiheit, stated succinctly in his book, Why Com­munism, the e'<1ct purpose of the Communists in entering ~egislati\e bodies. He said, "We go to the law-making Institutions, not to tinker them up for the benefit of the tapitalists, hut to be a monkcv wrench in their machin-ery o o o ." ~ As shown by experience in countries which are under tl~e heel of a Communist dictatorship, the Communists display the same implacable hostility toward all non­Communist parties and institutions. Thus, 'Villiam Z. Foster's pledge in regard to what he envisages under the dictatorship of the proletariat in the United States cannot bh(' lightly dismissed. In this \\'Ork, Toicard Sodet America, c· clC>c:larcd: L'nckr tlH' dictatorship all tlH' ('<lpit,dist parti<•s Rl'publi­ «tn, D<:moc·ratk', ProgrC'ssive, Socialist, etc. will lw 1iqui­cl. 1t"cl, the Communist Party functioning alorn• as the Party of the toiling masses. Lih-wise, will hl' clissoh eel all other <>ri::anizations th,1t arc political props of the bourgeois rnle, 111duding t'hambcrs of comff1C'rCC', employ(•rs' associations, rotary dubs, American Legion, Y.~l.C.I\., and such fraternal ;irckrs as tlH' \filsons, Odd Fellows, Elks, Knii::hts of Colum­llls, <·k. ( p. 275). Tm: E.-.;o JusTIFILS TIJE \li:Ao-;s Pui)ur ,\mC'rican political partil'S may clash over issue's. or of >lie office. '\everthcless there is a certain coclc of ethics, 'fl loyalty which is generally recognizccl ancl adhered to. etJl~ Communists have no such scruples. They hclievc that st lies should be completely subordinated to the class '\ rugglc, that is to say to the Communist movement. ~ ;corclin!( to The Sor;iet Short Philosophical Dictionary, th llloral' is nnly that which facilitates the destruction of p e old worlcl," which means om democratic world and e articularly the nitcd States. "j\Ioral," according to this ~nc~·ption, "is only that which sh·cngthcns the new Com­' oinist regime'." Again, Lenin has saicl to Communist youth, tlictir morality is rntircly subordinated to thC' intC'rests of S cla~s struggle." l{•i\~('c.1 fieally this means that Communists co1~sidC'r the~­th . 5 Jllshfic•d in violating any ancl every ethical code m b(:. 1nterc>st of what they consider a "higher" cause. Having rc'f~n defeated by a legitimate majority vote thC>y will Ii IJ~e to recognize it and press their original contention. to av1ng I> een expC>Iled from an organi·z ati·o n, t Ii cy w1· 11 try UrePcnc•tratc through other channels. Solemn agreements ' to thC'm, merely scraps of paper. Coo-;FoH,rANCE TO PATT1-.11"1 s1<~Zlitil'a] partic•s as we know them vary in eharacter from %t to state• and from country to country. The Commu­""" r ·l <tPti arty conforms strictly to 1x1ttc•rn with some slight 11nc1, ons for purposes of local camouflage. Those who the <rstancl the main outline and underlying prineiplcs of the P'.trty in one country or locality, \\'ho an' famiJi,1r with P·11ty line from ommunist publications, can readily t··~ ci, Fon\·,1 understand and follow the identical pattern of the party as it appears everywhere, and even predict it. RE\'OLUTIO:'\AHY ~lL'\'OH!TY It is impossible to understand the nature and activities of the Communist Party, USA, without appreciating the fact that it is primarily a revolutionary minority seeking to perpetrate the overthrow of the nation by insurrectionary m(•ans directed at the most sensitive and strategic strong­holds of our g°' ernmcnt. In other \\·ords, the Communists do not accept as final or decisive the verdict of the peaceful ballot based upon majorities and public persuasion. They rl'ly rather upon forceful means beyond the purview of our legal election machim•n-. This has been dealt with in some detail in the House- Committee on n-Ameriean Activities report on The Com1111111ist Pa1ty of the United States as an Adrncate of Oi:erthrow of Gor;ernment by Force and Violence, and the report of the Senate lnternal Security Subcommittee giving "documentary proof that the Communist Parh, USA, teaches and advocates the over­throw and destn;ction of the United States government b) force and \'iolencc." fn his collectC'd works, Russian edition, volume XIV, part 2, page 270, Lenin formulated this strategic approach in his thesis on insurrection, which has been emphasized h} Joseph Stalin, \\'hich reads in part as follows: Aecumuhtl<.' a prcpmulcrtmcc of forcc.v at tht· cledsh·e place, at the dt•<·isiH• moment. 0 0 0 Try to takt' the <:nemy hy surpris(•. In his Fo1111datio11s of Leninism, Stalin presented the same thought from a somewhat different angle when he called upon the Communists - to locate at any gh t•n monwnt that sin git• link in the chain of en•nts which if seized upon will c•n;,thll' us to l'Ontrol the whole <'hain and prppare tlw ground for thP at'hit•n•nwnt of slrntt•gic sucl·t•ss. GivC'n a highh intcrclcpenclent civilization vulnerable to physical dislocation at many points, gi,·cn the tremendous power of modern science at the disposal of subversive forces and gin'n the numerous frictions pre\·alent in any clc-mocratic society, one can readil} conceive the potentiali­ti<' S for thl' crl•ation of chaos inherent in a group \\'hich is constantly probin!( for our weak spots and endC'avoring to capitalize upon them \\'ith the ma,imum destructive effect. ORGANIZATIO. OF THE cmL\!U.'.'\IST PARTY, USA Co\nruxrsT HrnRAHCIIY Tlw basic organization of the Communist Partv is the club or branch. This may be based on a territoriai limita­tion, for instance embracing a community or rural area, or may be limitC'd to C'mployces of a large industrial plant or of a single industry within a cit) or to\\'n. Each club is controllC'd h,· an cwcutive committee or bureau consisting of the chiC'f ;>fficC'rs. ;\group of clubs or branches in a given arC'a is in turn controll<'d by a section committC'e. The next higher hocly is the state committee or a clish·ict committee includin~ hvo or more' states, abo,·e "hich is the national committee' of tlw party. In recent days the party organiza­tion has hcc·n suhdh·ided into smaller eonspiratorial groups. \ reading of the Communist Party constitution will not clisclosc tllC' strncture of the party a~ it actually fu~1ctions. Such clocumC'nts arc drawn up for public consumption and disguise' and not for real practice. A conspiracy could 1_1ot well he expected to publish its code of procedure wluch has grown up and become ingrained in the orgaruzation as a matter of usage rather than statute. For example, the Communist Party constitution, in order to give the party a semblance of democracy, declares that "The highest body of the state organization is the State Convention." And further, "The highest authority of the Party is the National Convention." Since state and national com'.entions are held every two years or less often, it is manifest that the party is not and cannot be run from day to day by conventions. The conventions are merely rnbbcr stamps for decisions of a small core of policymakers in­cluding a ~loscow representative operating behind the scenes. \\'e shall present below the various stages in the struc­ture of the party as found in J. Peters' The Communist Party - a Manual on Organi;:ation, published in July, 193.5, as compared with the present streamlined version from the constitution of the Communist Party of the United States of America, published in September, 1945, both of which arc consciously misleading: PETERS' \IANUAL, 19'3.'; Unit Bureau t:nit \lembership ~kcting Section Bureau Section Committee Section Convention District Bureau District Committee District Com·ention Political Bureau of Central Commit-tee (Secretariat not mentioned) Central Committee '\ational Convention Political Secretariat of the Communist International Presidium of the Communist International Executive Committee of the Communist International \\' orld Congress of the Communist International CONSTITUTION, J 945 Club Executive Committee Club ~lembership \ feeling Not mentioned Tot mentioned Not mentioned State or District Board State or District Committee State or District Com·cntion '\ational Board (Secretariat not mentioned) National Committee National Convention Not mentioned Not mentioned Not mentioned '\ot mentioned One must not be misled bv the formal outward stmcturc of the party, behind which ; publicly unacknowledged but nonetheless actual network operates. For example, a sec­tion committee can send its representative to any subordi­nate club with power to determine decisions of the club or its executive commi ttee. Similarly the secretariat of the national committee can send its representative with over­riding powers to any unit of the party. In the same manner the ~ !oscow headquarters of the Communist movement sends representatives like Gerhard Eisler who have undis­puted say over the decisions of the national committee and the staff of the national office in its day-to-day activity. These practices arc not even mentioned in the party's constitution. CONSPIBACY AT \ Vorn:: On October 13, 1952, the Senate Internal Security Sub­committee heard the testimony of John Lautner, former member of the National Review Commission of the Com­munist Party, USA, and head of its New York State Review Commission. This particular feature of the Communist Party finds no parallel in political parties. According tor- Ir. Lautner, this body's principal function was - to safeguard party discipline, to ngilantly seek out and ferr<-t out any anti-party dcments in the ranks of the party, to carry out inwstigations and to propose for expulsion or any form of discipline party members who don't toe the line. After the indictments of certain party leaders, the "three system" of conspiratorial organization was adopted, which is described by Lautner, who was assigned to carry out phases of this reorganization, as fo llows: The party leadership appoinkd the top coordinating commit­tee. The top coordinating committee consisted of three people. • • • One was head of the three. I le was the political person in the group. 0 0 0 The other was the organizational person and the third one was the union mass-organization person. Now, these three people w<•rt' assignl'd, each one of them. to appoint three other persons below him on the next level. • • • So he appoints his one, two, thrc<' P's. • • • 0 docs th<' same thing. • • 0 [NOTE. - 0 stands for organizer, P for political organizer and T for trade union organizer.] P docs not know 0 or T on the lower levels. Ile knows only the three persons that he appointl'd. 0 docs not know the P's and T's on the lower levels. I le only knows his O's. So, here you ha,·e a situation where one p<irty leader knows his two associates in his triangle, and the three that he ap­pointed below. All in all, a party member wouldn't know more than six party members in the party, up and down. 0 0 0 To my own personal knowledge there was the top coordi­nating committee; that 3, the next level was 9, and the third level, 27; the fourth level, 81, and tlw fifth level, 2·13. 0 0 0 Speaking before the subcommittee of the House Con1 · mittcc on Appropriations on December 9, 1953, J. Ed!(•1r Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Invcstigatioll· described the current organization of the Communist Party in the following terms: No longer are Communist Party membership cards issut'd. maintenance of membership records are forbidden; contacts of rank and file members arc limited from 3 to 5 - the basic club unit. Most of the local lwadquartcrs have been discon­tinued and party records have been d<•stroyed. No cvenin!( meetings are permitted in headquarters without staff mc1n­bcrs present. Conventions and la rge me<•tings arc held to the absolute minimum. The use of the tdcphonc and telegraph is avoided. No eontact is had with fomili<•s or friends; «intacts be­tween functionaries are arranged through frequently changed intermediaries; false drivers lieensl's have been obtain<'d• assumed names have been adopted; modification of physical appearance has been clfcctcd, such as dyeing hair and eye­brows 0 0 0 • They have removed conspicuous means of personal identi­fication such as mol<•s; they have effected a new manner of walking, have ehang<·d their dn·ss stancl<1rds, have avoided old hahits and even haw avoickd old vices, and h:ne avoided Wtm: W0 1tLO 1,' 1:jOI John Loutner, former head of the New York State Review Com"'stot of the CPUSA shows chain af command in the proposed New York •' party underground. With him is Asst. U. S. District Attorney N°"",, N. Neukom. Center triangle ind icates three· mon nucleus of the 0'9~1 zation, with other triangles representing units at various levels rod10 outword to trode union groups. FACTS F ORU\[ appe.1 probal n writ!< prosp< grourn Th Th are n: mcmb Th lane<', cntcrir close, which ry out mit­> ple. rson rson •n. 1em, ovel. ; the for 1ows :now O's. 1ows . ap­mow and ordi­th. ir.d e Con1· Ed~M igatiOJl. 111rnnist sued. lhlClS basic scon· cnin~ mctn· o the graph s bc­mged tined. ysicill cyr· denti- 1er of oiclc<l •oidcd appt.tr.Ul('C in public phi.ccs when· thl'ir rt·<:og11ition would be probable. Th<'y commumcatc through couriers and a\·oid the use of writtm communications. They instituted loyalt} tt'sts for all prosp<·cthc underground 1)('rsomwl. Tlwy rotate the under­ground pt·rsonnel to aYoid dC'kction ° 0 0 • Tlwy app<"ar outside of hid<•o11ts only •lt night • • •. Tlwy ust• cliff<•rt•nt automobiles, and tlw <"ilrs frt·qnently arc n·giskn·d in fictitious nam('s and not nanws of party memb1·rs; tlw lic<·ns<• plates an· fn·qu<·ntly thang<"cl. Tlu:y have usl'cl <.'\lrC'llH' pn·c,mtions in n ·~ard to surveil­lance, making rapid and frequent ch .. mgt·s of c·o11\ <') ;.mces, entering and ka\'ing subways and bus<"s just h .. for!' the doors close, and douhlin~ back on th<·ir <·ourst•. \Ios .ow H1:PnFSl'>TATI\T The kc•vstonc of the Communist Part\ hi<'rarcl1\ within ~he Unite'd States is the representative ·of the Co~munist ntcmational or its present <'quivalcnt, the Information ~ureau of the Communist and \Yorkers' Parti<'s, otherwise I nown as tlw Cominform. The statut<'s of the Communist nternational adopted at its sixth congrPss in tlw summer 0.f 1928 formally authorize the sending of such rC'prcsenta­tives to affiliated Communist Parties. Although the Com­rn~ inist lntC'rnational was alkgPdly dissolved in \la}, 1943, hitncsses bc•fore the Committee on Un-AmPrican Activities ave disclosed in terms of their expC'rienc<' that these statutes arc still fully operative in actual fact although not 0Penly acknowlcdg~d. Article II I, section 22, of these statutes ckclares that - 1 :rhc E. C. C. I..< ExccutI\'e Commilt<'<' of the Communist n(( rnatmnal) and its Presidium ha\'{' tlw right to send tlwir it'P~t·st·n.tativt·s . to tht' Yarious. Section~ of th~· ~ommu_nist flit<:rnat1onal. Such n·prt•sental1\'eS n•c(•t\'t' their mstruct1ons roni the E. C. C. I. or from its Pn·sidimn, and an· rt•sponsible ~o tl1<·111 for tlwir activitit•s. R<·pn·S<·ntati\'{'S of tlw E. C. C. I. l ''"" tlw right to participate in nwdings of the central Party mdies as well .is of the local organizations of tlw Sections to ~hid1 tlu_·y an• s<·nt 0 0 0 • Tlwy may 0 0 0 spt•ak in opposi­t; on to tlw Cl'!ltral Commit!<·<' of tlw gin·n S<·ction • • • if \''' line of the C1·ntral Committee in question di\'{'rgcs from t le instnKtions of the E. C. C. I. • • •. The E. C. C. I. and its Presidium ~tlso haH• tlw right to S<·nd inslrudors to the 'arious Sections of the Communist lnkrnational. C .\ppearing on SPptember S, 1939, lJC'for<' thC' Special fo0 rnmittc•<' on L n- '\merican Activities, lknjamin Gitlow, 0.l'lner memhpr of the executive committC'e of thP Commu­t~ st International, former mC'mbPr of th<' political commit­da~ of tlw Communist Party, USA, and on<' timP its candi · p c for Vice-PrPsident of the lJnitPd State's, described the fa:.e.rs of tl1psp representatives or "rC'ps" as they are iliarly called: ~ r<·pn·S<·ntatiw of the Communist lnt<·rnational to the United lat<·s durin~ his stay in the United States was tlw hoss of the rarty ••• I le automatically lwcanw a J11(•J11lll'r of all the ;·adini.: (·ommitfres of the party in tht> United States and t •rt•t·ip,.1<-d in its deliberations and cnjoy"d a vot<' on mat­i~ s that ."''"' \Otl'cl upon • • • all lw had to do was to n./~";;.111, .1>0w1·r and mandat<• as a c. I. rl'pre~ent.1tivt>, and rf 1s \ l<:w would prc\'a11. Generally, Amencan Commu-• l·n~tts fl·< ·\·(·r would tale a 11osition in OJ>position to the repre­S "1"<' of tlw Communist Intern<ttional. lltic]even years later on 'ovcmber 22, 1916, Louis F. ,1 rn enz, former managing C'ditor of the Daily 'Vorker and Pilr ernher of the national committee of the Communist ilCtily_, .USA, confirmed this picture whC'n he dPscribed the l~d\Vihes of Gerhard EislPr. alias Hans Berger, alias l::u11vards. The lattpr had been introduced to Budcnz by ,.,t•n D the " e Pnnis, former general secretary of thP party, as Int. <'quhalent to a reprPwntativ(' of the Communist (l'Jlational." \Ir. Budcnz declared that - I·,.( l's Pont,r '\1\\s, .\larch, 19.56 Benjamin Gitlow of New York tleft) and Joseph Zack Korn­feder of Detroit, ex-Communist Porty officials who hove cooperated with con­gressional investigating committees in fur­nishing vital informa­tion regarding the operations and tactics of the Communist Porty in the United States. They ore shown (right) in 1950 as they assist the Ameri­can Legion in staging "Communist Doy" in Mosinee, Wisconsin. Wlllf' wom II rHOTO till' olficial rq>r<'Sentati\t' of the Communist lntcrn.1tional is tlw c:hi(·f communication officer who brin~s the lint• of the party O\'er, who knows it, and who, in addition to that, is \'<'steel with a C:<.'rL.tin authority to inter\'cne in p.trty affairs if h(' jucl~('S that IH.'C.'('SSary ~Ir. Budenz \\'US notified bv Dennis that he \\'ould "occa­sionallv recei"e instructions ,;ml communications from this Hans B<'rger," alias for Gerhard Eisl<'r. BudC'nz described how Eisler ( Bergt'r) verbally Ray<'d Daily 'Forker Editor ClarC'nce IIathawav, "for almost half an hour." In The Co1111111111isl of \la)~, 19·11, leading theoretical organ of the Communist Party, VSA, Eisler ( B<'rger) public]) casti­gatPd \Villiam Z. Foster. then chairman of tlw party. In neithC'r case did these American Communist chieftains dare to rC'ply. In the :\o\·emher, 194:3, issue of The Comm1111ist, "Hans Berg<'r" \\rot<' an article entitkd "Hemarks on the Discus­sion Conc<'rning the Dissolution of the Communist IntPr­national," tlw puqJOSP of which was to inform American Communists that "internationalism still lives." Jn The Com- 1111111isl of 1\'o\·Pmber, 1942, Eiskr, posing as an American, explained the significance of "T\\'cnty-fiH• Years of Soviet PowPr." Ile \\'as for somp time the hrains behind Joseph Starohin, foreign editor of the Daily 'Forker, whom he employ<'d as his mouthpiece. This will ghc somp idea of the tn'mendous power wiPkled O\·er the \merican Commu­nist Part\ ln its \loscow-anointed commissar. Other; who have sen·ed in this capacity in the past mclude: G. Valc'tsky; JosPph Pogany. alias John chwartz, alias John Pepper, alias John S\\ ift; Boris Hcinstein; S. Gussev, alias P. GrPC'n, alias Drabkin; Y. Sirola, alias Miller; Arthur Ewert, alias Braun, alias Brown, alias Ber­ger; IIari: Pollitt; Philip Dengel; B . .\likhailo\, alias George \Villiams; Carl E. Johnson, alias Scott, alias Jen­sen; Peterson; .\Iarcus, alias .\f. Jenks; F. ~larini, alias .\lario Al pi, alias Fred Bro\\ n; \Villiam Hust; \Villi .\lucnzenberg; Louis Gibarti; Haissa Irene Browder; Ha}mond Guyot; Boris Isakov, alias Boris \Vil Iiams. At tinws two or more such commissars will be here' simultaneous!), <'ach being assigned to some special task or campaign. There is ml'lhod in .\Ioscow's designation of forC'ign commissars for the American party as r<'\·caled b) Jacob Page 13 Golos. in charge of underground activities. in an in.l'rview with Louis F. Budenz in his biographical work Jle11 With­out Faces; "An American might be a Comintern man in such countries as China and the Philippines," declared Golos. "He will ne,·er yield to any homesickness for those lands. nor will he think of his family there in a moment of weakness." He added, however, that "for this country the C.I. ( Comintern) man and the C.I. agents under him "ill always be non-Americans - and noncitizens if at all possible." :\loscow, THE SLAT OF POWER In describing the Communist hierarclw from the lowest club to the ,·ery pinnacle of power. we.have endeavored to deal with the realities of this farAung conspiracy as disclosed b~· individuals formerly enmeshed therein, rather than to take serioush the current official version of Com­munist organization· which is foisted upon those gullible and ignorant enough to give it credence. Illuminating detail is found in the testimony of Joseph Zack Kornfedcr, former member of the central executive committee of the Communist Party, lJSA, a former member of the Anglo-American secrl'tariat of the Communist Inter­national. later its rcprcsentath·c in Colombia and Vene­zuela. He testified before the House Committee on Un-Ameri­can Activities on August 9, 19-t9, in regard to a dispute in the American part} between the pro-Stalinist faction head­ed b' '\'illiam Z. Foster and the anti-Stalinist faction hcad~d b~ Jay Lovestone. This dispute occurred long ago, in 1928. ~e,·ertheless, the pattern of behavior which it reveals is important in helping us understand a structure which has not changed fundamentally since then. \Ve quote from \Ir. Kornfeder's testimony: The re.1son why Stalin, •lS well as \lolotov and otlwr ll'aders of th<• Russian Communist Party, spent that much time on this faction fight in the nited States, was because Stalin, eonsidt'ring this country of utmost imporhlnCC' in the total scheme of strate~y. wanted to retain a reliable base by S<·curing control, .tbsolutc control, for his faction of the Com­munist Party of the Unitl'd States 0 0 0 . Stalin personally directed all the major phases of the fight a~ainst the then majority of the Americ-an Communist Party, led by Jay Love­stone 0 0 0 • In the windup of that fight, he and \lolotov e\cn participated as nwmhers of the commission that tri<·d Lovc­stone and other members of the central committ<·c of the .\merican Communist Party sidmg: with Lovcstonc 0 0 0 • The speech was made at the Presidium on \lay 1-1, 1929. In rnlume XI of the hearings of the Committee on Un­.\ mcrican ActiYities (pp. 7112 to 7124) are printed two speeches made by Stalin on \lay 6 and 14, 1929, and in which he activelv intervened in the affairs of the American Communist Part}· to the point of presenting an ultimah1m to the American delegation. He declared that - If the comrades of the American delegation accept our terms - good and wdl; if they don't, so much the worse for them. Then Stalin recommended that Comrades Lovestone and Bittclman, leaders of the American part}', "must be recalled and placed at the disposal of the Comintern." Subsequent to this meeting, Lovcstone was summarily expelled from his post as executive secretary of the Communist Part\', L'SA, and the ri,,11 faction was installed in the leadershiiJ, despite the fact that his voting strength had represented oYer 90 per cent of the party membership in a previous convention. Bittclman was shifted out of the United tates to duties abroad. Those who seek open statutory justification for Stalin's relationship toward the Communist Part}', USA, are elms· ing a will-o -the-wisp. In any conspiracy, the real source of power is not inherent in any statutes. Since the elimina­tion of the recalcitrant faction in 1929, Stalin's power over the Communist Party in America was sufficiently secure and unchallenged as to make it unnecessary for him to intervene openly. From that time on his intervention has been more covert, operating behind a screen of agents completely submissive to his bidding. It may well be asked how Joseph Stalin was in a posi­tion to keep track of the activities of his Communist satel­lites in the United States. According to ~Ir. Kornfeder. Stalin maintained a personal secretariat, each member of which was assigned to a specific area. At the time ~Ir. Kornfeder was in ~loscow, affairs in America were under the supervision of one B. \likhailov, the secretary on Amer· ican affairs, who visited the United States in 1930 under the name of George Williams, to take charge of the purge of Lovestoneites. In 193.'3 Helena Stasova was Stalin's sec· retary for German questions. According to 1r. Kornfcder, this streamlined body of secretaries outmoded the cumbersome machinery of the Communist International and thus enabled Stalin to exer· cise more complete and direct control over his international Hed network. The details of this mechanism will not be found in an' public Communist pronouncement either here or abroad. The subordination of the CPUS,\ to Stalin personally is. however, implicit in the telegram signed in behalf of ii' national committee by \Villiam Z. Foster as chairman, :uid Eugene Dennis as general secretary of the Communist Party, USA, on the occasion of the 70th birthday of Joseph Stalin and published in the Daily Worker as recently as December 21, 1949, from which we quote in part: D>:All Co"11ADE S-rAu"; On your 70lh birthday the 1a­tional Committee of the Communist Party, USA 0 0 0 sends you heartiest congratulat1ons and warmC'Sl greetin~s 0 0 0 • Like the Conununists 0 0 0 in all hlnds, we hail your more than .50 years of sterling kad<•rship 0 0 0 • According to this telegram, victory in \Vorld 'Var II "''1 ' ascribable not to thl' joint efforts ,;r the Allies and partiC''~ larly the United States, hut rather to the guidance of th• "Great Bolshevik Party, built by you and Comrade Lcnu', and, since Lenin's death, continuing under your leaders~lll1 to guide itself by the principles of ~larxism-LeninJ51\ which you have safeguarded and enriched." The tele!(f'~o closes with the wish, "Long life to you, Comrade swh;\ and to your great and enduring contributions to wor' 1wace, democracy, and socialism." COM'\IUMST PARTY ~IE'\!IJERSIUP Accustomed as we are to the methods employeeI \1·' our traditional political parties with openly acknowJcd{(~1. membership, membership records and books, we Af11eC1 11 cans might expect to find documentary proof of such fJ1 11 bership in the case of Communists. aively unaware of\, conspiratorial nature of the Communist Party, we f111{(ri demand the production of a party membership card 11 other documentary evidence before we will believe th;, an individual is a Communist. Thus we might contribute. our own confusion, accentuated by the consistent dc111 " of party membership on the part of those charged. 11 The Communist Party, USA, has progressively stre3 \, lined its membership records to the point where no flle~ bership cards are issued at the present time. Dues rrcO 1 are maintained in cod<', with each member assigned tl n 111 her, in accordance with the following form: FACTS FonL'l NEws, ,\larch, 1 gJ .\fl'mh('r' J- 2 1 ·1 ; 6 7 8 q 10 One· the COlll have· re they ha four offi sentenc( era] gra the e\ist nist Par lllember It star sound bi Inents, '' lllc•mber are rc•gu lllission On la1 nounc~d \c1, Yo ~ar~. Pr Lautrwr In \(a before ti \c•rwd as fni· st Parti ollowin~ \\!orker · documc•n ~is '' ife' ;~cl11cJc.d Hm tor in this f Testify cder, for thecomr llnion act lw '"ou!d 1 talk to in this I ''·ts th.trg(• ' • <·nd,·d t :\ form1 old in ·1 I Of a f or'm 1 '.'certain i ~ 19:39_ 1 (:harles n ·ipJiJ1ary ('.\ Cerpts f r to! 11111ni,t. ;.'.·c·al! it, •nal!y, ;ourcc rnina .. rover :;ecure dm to m has Jgents t posi-satel- 1fcdcr. her of 1e ~Ir. under Amer­under purge i's sec· ody of of the 0 excr· ational in an' I 1broa~l.. ally JS· f of it' ~n. and amunisl Joseph mtly as , Na­; c.n.ds more II ,,.,1' partic11· ' of th< : Lcni11. :dershil' cninis111 elegru!l' swliJ1· J worltl \femhn's numhl·r I-------, MONTI! Ja11. F('t). 'llar .. \11r . 'Ill' Ju111· Juh .\\JI( ~ ~ ~~ I x x x 2 x x ·1 x I x ; x x x R x x x 7 x x 8 x 9 x x x 10 x On even· occasion before congressional committees, in the courts ~r before grand juries, Communist Party officials havp refusC'd to disclose party membership lists. In fact the\ have claimed that no such lists e.,ist. In June, 1949, fou~ officials of the Communist Party of Los Angeles were l<'ntenc(•d to jail for refusal to disclose such lists to a fed­eral grand jury. Nevertheless all signs point not only to the existence of such lists, but to the fact that the Commu­nist Party maintains an extensive dossier on each 0£ its members. It stands to reason that the party could not maintain a so11nd bookkeeping system, including records of dues pay­ments, without accurate records for each individual party m(•111ber. It must be remembered that the party's accounts arc r<'gularly supervised by both its national review com­mission and by Communist headquarters in \loscow. On January 17, 1950, for example, the Daily \Vorker an­not111c<' d the expulsion of John Lautner, a member of ~le :\c\\ York State Review Commission of the Commumst rart:y. Printing his photograph, the announcemcnt_sai~ that Lautiwr himsl'lf is an enemy agent of long standmg. In \larch 1950 \Iatthew Cvetic appeared as a witness hc•for!' the Comm'ittee on Un-American Activities, having 1<:rv<'cJ as unclC'rcovcr agent for the FBI within the Cm:nmu­Oist Party in Pittsburgh for a number of years. Immechately { 01lowing his appearance before the commi~tC'e, the Daily Vorkcr published, on ;\!arch 3, 1950, a digest of three d?ctnnC'nts purporting to show that Cvetic had assaulted 1~15 Wifc.'s sister "with force and violence." The documents ncl11<kcl ( 1) the indictment, ( 2) a court order dire~ti~g ~ltm to make financial restitution to the alleged victim in this case, and ( 3) the decision to nol-pros the case. Testifying on September 30, 1939, Jos!'ph Zack Korn­f<' der, fonner member of the central executive committee of the Communist Party and at one time' in charge of its trade­linion activity, declared: I was on<:t' asked to supply an rngim•t•r, a C'hemisl, who \vou)d P<·rsonally have qm1lifications capable, and let us say, 1t1a1l k to oth<« <'nginecrs higher in the profession than lumsclf, this instan<'<', specifically, cl'rt<tin enginl'crs of du Po~t. 1 "·ts <l>k<·d to do that by ~lax lll'cfacht, who was then m <h.irge of this phase of thl'ir secn·t activity. \Veil, I rccom­' -· ·nd,·d a tNt<tin individual. t .\former nl!'mber of the Communist Part), a writer, has old in a lettl'r of his experiC'ncc in checking on the record o. f a f · · "ti 1 orm!'r ommunist Party membC'r, 111 connection w1 1 ;n certain article he was writing for a Communist magazim• Ch l9.J9. The writer was called to the PW Y_ork office _of . :tries Dirba then head of the> control comm1ss1on or chs- ~Ipl· ' · · l'\e 111ary hoard of the party. \Ve publish a few s1gmficat1t crpts from this ktter: I told him of this story about having ll<'<'n a Com- 1111111bt. 11,. pnxluced a book of sonw kind it looked, as I ;;·.«iii it, like a large ledgl'r - and IJ<'gan looking through it. •n.ilJy, hf" came on what was, appan•ntly, a notr about (' . It s.1icl, as I r<'m<'mber it, that had hl'cn a "f~ori11uu111st in somt• city in TPxas S{'\'(:ral yt•ars ago. h11s it \\Ould appear that the national hC'aclquarters of ):',,_ . cts Font ,1 Igor Gou:z:enko, former Russian cipher clerk who broke a ~oviet atomic spy ring in Canada in 1945, during an interview with AP writer Saul Pett in Montreal, 1954. Masked to protect his new identity, which is known only to a select few, he continues to lead o double life. the Communist Party was in possession of membership lists for Texas. There is everv reason to believe that such records are still maintained, in secret, of course, and that copies are forwarded to Communist headquarters in ~Joscow. Since the Communist Party, USA, is part of a world organization operating under central direction and every­where in accordance with a unifonn pattern, the testimony of Igor Gouzenko, former civilian employee at the Soviet E111ba~sy in Ottawa, is significant. \Ve quote from page 38 of the Report of the Canadian Royal Commission, pub­lished June 27, 19.J.6, referring to· biographical data dealing with Sam Carr, national organizer of the Communist (Labour-Progressive) Party of Canada: A. On cv<'ry Communist there is a fil<• at th<' Comintem in \loscow; for every Comff11111ist in tlw whole world th<:rc is a file at th<' Comintcrn at \loscow. 0 0 0 Q. Th<' Commt<•rn '"" supposed to ha\l• hem abolished bl'forc 1945? A. Supposed to b,. abolishl'd in 1!)4:3, hut it is not so. 0 0 0 According lo Gouzenko, the registration card kept in the 19.J.5 dossier in the SO\ iet Embassy on am Carr, stated after the mimeographed hC'ading '"Biographical Data," the following t)•ped entry, in Russian: "DetailC'd biographical information is available in the Ccnh·e in the Comintern." In his biographical study, This ls J[!f Story, Louis F. Bucknz, forn1C'r managing editor of the Daily \Forker and former mpmber of the national committee of the Commu­nist Part\, described in detail the part)•'s method of keep­ing incli~idual records: Rc·cords are k<•pt of t•ach member in any kind of key post, just as thl'y would be for those cngag"d by ••ny other ('Spionag-c.· systc.·m. \\"lwn a nwmh<:r takes up a rww post, he must fi),. a eompktl' nl'w biography. This is l'hecked for new cJ.1ta and also to obsl'nc if it differs from the om·s pre,·iously f;J,.d. Jn bis biogr.1phy lw is required to list his relatives, wh('n' tlwy wt•n• hoq1 and now lh·e, their oec·up~ttion, and his relations with tlwm. llis entire pc•rsonal and labor history must h<' given pr<'vious marriages if any, his children and his arn•sts 0 0 0 • 11(' musl also g:ivc a complt't<• accounting of his financial n•sourt.'('S, the an•rngc.• sabry lw has rN·ein•d throughout his working lift', any bonds or other property he t•n•r owned, and what lw now owns, if .rnything. 0 0 0 Ilis party rl'cord must ht• gin•n in cktail (p. !l:l5). \Vith this information in its hands, the party is in a posi­tion to blackmail any possible' recalcitrant and to '''ercise highly potent means of personal pressure'. (Co11ti1111cd 011 Page 48) A critical view of Radio Free Europe by Jiri Broda appears on page 43. Melting the Iron Curtain ML.CH of the information used in Radio Free Europe is ob­tained by correspondents who interview newly-arrived refugees from the Iron Curtain countries, from Stock­holm and Hamburg down to Istanbul. omething of interest is learned from all of these - about conditions in their towns and villages, popular sentiment towards the Communist rulers, radio listening, attitudes on democracy and the American people. A special kind of refugee is the "defector," the Com­munist party or regime official, who has turned from the fraudulent nature of the Communist creed, escaped to the West, and o!Iered his services to official or private organizations which might in turn help to enlighten his people. ~!any outstanding defectors, such as Khokhlov and Petrov, have made broadcasts over Radio Free Europe. Important information was gained also from a group of sailors who left Polish Communist ships at Formosa where, following arrangements made bv RFE, thev were interviewed bv emissaries from the Polish Immigra­tion Committee of New York. Perhaps the most far-reaching and enlightening information was that re­ceh ·ed from a recent defector, Lt.-Col. Josef Swiatlo, of the Polish ~linistry of Security Police. His testimony was remarkable both in broad content and in detail. His revelations concerning personalities high in the Polish gov­ernment, their official and personal conduct. were so voluminous, so exact, and so varied that thev furnished material for an all-out campaign to Poland. in which almost half of 140 broadcasts were made up of direct testimom· broadcast by Swiatlo him­self. · Page 16 last month facts forum News began a presentation of the aims of Radio Free Europe, how it works, and the scope of its effectiveness, taken from RFE records and publications. Further results of its program are given in this concluding installment. The defection of Josef Swiatlo, for­mer Deputy Director of "Department Ten" of Poland's Security I\linistry, was publicly announced on eptem­ber 28, 1954. On the same day, Radio Free Europe's "Voice of Free Poland" initiated a series of programs in which Swiatlo personally exposed the activi­ties, intrigues, and corruption of Polish regime officials. Since "Depart­ment Ten" of the ecurity Ministry is responsible for the surveillance of Communist party members in Poland, Swiatlo had intimate knowledge of the lives of all important regime and secret police officials. Radio Free Europe was able to put Swiatlo on the air with his exposes on the day his defection was announced by the use of programs that were tape-recorded before the news of his defection broke. It took the Polish regime almost a month from the time of RFE's first Swiatlo program to fac<• the issue publicly. On October 2.5, the regime announced that Swiatlo was an "American agent and provocateur ... broadcasting nonsensical and ,·ile lies, calumnies and falsphoods over the radio." The first drastic regime reaction to w10£ Josef Swiotlo, top ranking Polish security offi~: who defected to the West, furnished muc.h ''1 able information concerning officals behind Iron Curtain to Radio Free Europe. the Swiatlo programs within Pol•10 was the removal of General Stanis1'1 ' Hadkicwicz (announced by the/' gime on December 7, 1954) as ~ 11 istcr of Security. Raclkiewicz was.0 ; I of the principal figures in the sw•:1,: revelations. The conservative Br1 ~ publication, Time & Tide, in an arr entitled "The End of the Po 1 ; 'Bcria'" published on January " 1955, stated: \\'hat made his ( Radkicwicz') fall fr011 grate ('H'n morl' interesting was the f,itf that it tame about, not as a result· lt internal conflicts, hut through outS''J inl<'rkrenc<'. The immediate cause f his downfall was, in fact, a scrirS b1 , hroadca;ts h<'<um•cl into Poland · Radio Fr<'<' Europe in Munich. · Secrets which had hccn known to th'\ or four p{'rsons WC'rc broadcast to 1111 5 lions .... It was perhaps the grcot~,i .ti11!(ll' rictory eter to be recorded. /Jroadcasliuf.{ to Iron Curtain couutrit Even before the Radkiewicz d0 ': fall, a high placed Polish Com°(;tl! official in the \Vest stated con t:. tialk that RFE's Swiatlo broadC• proved "the biggest and most s11cC' ful propaganda of its type prod1~~ hv America" since the SSR !1'11 c control of Poland. This same ofli,, said that "the whole of Warsa'" r terribly disturbed" by the bro~dC·l which "were creating a precip1cr 0 1 tw<'<'ll the regime and the l' nation." In January, 1955, the regime 1, nounced the arrest of three 11~ secrpt police officials: Generul Jlr kowski, Deput} ~linister of scc11 and ~lo Colonel All thre; heavily c ~onal Im Ing of th establish he tween Political 1. The pro( the Poli pro1 in F 2. The Poli lish( Swi, g('ll( din~ lo, I sc·q~ S('Cll f('Jl)~ .trr offiu 1 H(•gi ('\'id n1ati part r<•gi hroa ('IJ('(l cl(')) Sil bs ures' \id(• plan1 llH·n1 \\0111 S ~istc•np1 b1v1atlo p1 ~r l S1 . ' th nF'."ltlo pt · E: frorn tng RPE w10£ Hity offir. much vo behind 1 and ~loscow's 11atchdog in Poland; Colonel Rozanski; and Colonel Fcjgin. All three of these officials had been heavily compromised in Swiatlo's per­sonal broadcasts. The nature and tim­ing of these regime actions appear to b establish tlw following relationship etwccn RFE's broadcasts and actual political developments in Poland: I. The regime felt compelled to produce an "explanation" (in till' form of scapegoats) to the Polish people because the RFE programs were so widely heard in Poland. 2. The Trylnma L11d11, organ of the ~olish Communist party, pub­lished an editorial asserting that 'iw1atlo was an American intclli­gc• nce agent, and established a din·ct causal link between Swiat­lo, his broadcasts, and the sub­seq1l(' nt reorganization of the S<'(•urity sen ice, including the n•mo1·al of Radkiewicz and the .1rrest of three other secret police officials. .'3. Heginll' response provides strong <'1·1dc·ncc of l''<trcmc sensitivity to niatt•rial directed against till' Party apparatus, and of the reginw's conviction that the broadcasts reached large audi­<' ll('<'s in Poland. The regime's dc·nunciations of Swiatlo and s11hs<'qupnt "corrective nwas­u~ ·c·s" indicate an amicty to pro- 11clp tlw public with official ex­planations, <lllcl to convince party nl(•mh<'rs that those responsible L \\'011Jcl bl' punished. Siv·.1s\enc•r reaction from Poland to the 1ic,/a~ o programs was rapid. On Octo­) 1.•.I. atJ • thn•e da' n after RFE's. Rr.s l ~FE r° pro~ram, a letter was s.cnt to Ing nrom Krakow. \ftcr complmwnt­" FE commentaries regard- Gerietaf s WTOJ: WOlll.O PllOTO ~ter Of s•,onis~ow Rodkiewicz: was Poland's Min-o 'tessary ,curitr. before his removal was mode ~,, RFE b allowing on expose of his activities !> Y defector Josef Swiatlo. "c."fs Font,:--1 WJOF. WORLD PHOTO Josef Pisarik, Mrs. Libuse Cloud, and Vaclav Uhlik tell Radio Free Europe listeners how they mode o successful dash through barbed wire to freedom across the Czech-West Germon border in a homemade armored car that completely fooled Czech guards. Mrs. Cloud is the Czech wife of a U. S. Army veteron, ing S11 iatlo, the letter went on to say: lhis l'\-Colond is well "'"""d. ( "S"ia­tlo" mmns "light" in Polish.) \s th11n­ckr t'dlO<'S on the e~lrs of tht' li..,luH"r, his words, unforced by torturt' and like thl' "Swiatlo" of lightning, illmnmatt• tht• sinist«.:r g:loom of tht• dark d1111gt·ons which art• tlw fo11ndations of thl' l . B., "hil'h is the :'-. K\'D ag<·m·' in Poland Th(' r('Vl'Lltions sound si111pl) S('ll"'•l­tional ... to hear dl'lails aho11t th" tcntad('s of the .\los«.:ow ottopus iu Poland is an uncommon ilt.'111 ol su1s.1- tio11al infornwtion. \ listener from Poznan wrote: " ... I shou Id like to thank 1 ou for \'Olli' precious information wfth "·hi ch· you arc comforting us so much. Quite n•­cpntly you brought us H'l') lunll) lll'\\·s, and all because a fuse hlc11 and the light \\'Cnt off. (Polish 1rnrd for "fusp" is "bczpiecznik" "hi ch also means a member of the "Jkzpicka" or Security Police.) All the Polish nation is very happy about it. i\ow, due to \Ir. J. S., 11c know a lot about com­rade Tomasz. (Tomasz is the P•llt1 name of J:>icrut, Communist boss of Poland, as Rrst revealed by Swiatlo.) These arc things which arc interest­ing to (•very one of us." •\ regular woman correspondent from Gdansk wrote: "\Ve Poles loathp the hand of rogues who rnle Poland. Down with them! The Polish nation wants to be free ... \Ve demand that the \Varsaw government he n•moYed immediately and Bierut with it." \ letter received from Olszt111 on January 11 carried grretings to' those "who pierce the Iron Curtain and pscapc westward to freedom, i.e., Polish airmen, seamen, and Josef Swiatlo, who arc speaking the truth on ht'half of the Polish nation." Information from other sources bear out the rea tions as evidenced in ll'l­ters. For example, another source ~tated: "Swiatlo's revelations lll<tclc a deep impression in Poland; the~ aroused hopes that antagonism c•-.ist­ing among the regime's hig11igs might increase and that the power of the omnipotent Bezpieka would he cur­tailed. People \\ere very pleased that a high of£cial of the Bezpicb 11as c!t•1·er enough to escape, eluding his supen·isors." Other listener response indicates much satisfaction and c1·cn malicious glee at S\\'iatlo's compromising of the n•gime and its individual pillars, par­ticularlv Bierut. Then' is little doubt ,1hout the widespread public enjoy­ment of the "trne spectacle" of the '\pokcsmen of Socialist moralitv." On February 18, 1955, a 'Polish rpfugcc reported the existence of post­ers in Gdansk oprnly attacking RFE and S" iatlo. The posters, first dis­played the prel'ious December on \\'alls of buildings. in public transport n'hicles, and on outdoor adl'ertising boards, warned the people against "traitor Swiatlo" and denounced the "lies and slander" of RFE. A quacking duck, meant to indicate the "lying" character of the broadcasts, was done in bright red, according to the refu­gee. The same source reported that "the dfccts of Swiatlo's disclosures were much more far-reaching than proplc in the \Vest realize. They wrrc a serious blow to the Reel regime in \\'arsaw. The ill-considered poster campaign in Gdansk prol'CS how de­pressed and upset the ommunists have become as a result of the Swiatlo re1·clations." He also stated that the poster dis­play had been met with laughter and hcaclshaking bv the people of Gdansk "It has served· m1lv to call the atten­tion of even·onc in. Gdansk to Swiatlo. A.ncl when' the Communists them­seh- es opened the Swiatlo affair to public discussion, they made it pos­sible for people to discuss Swiatlo in public without running the risk of being accused of listening to Radio Free Europe." Soviet Campaign to Destroy Poland's Catholic Church Soviet plans to infiltrate and subvert the Catholic Church in Poland were exposed in a new series of sh pro­grams broadcast to Pohrnd over Radio Free Europe by JosC'f Swiatlo in Sep­tember, 1955. In this more recent series Swiatlo revealed the following facts: 1. The present chief of Soviet Rus­sia's secret police, General Ivan­ov Serov, organized and still directs the Polish regime's cam­paign to destroy the independ­ence and opposition of the Cath­olic Church. 2. Communist agents follow every move of imprisoned Cardinal \Vvszvnski, whose "residence" is wi~ed and filled with hidden microphones. The cardinal must obtain special permission to visit his chapel. 3. The so-called "patriot priests" in Poland serve under duress, as tools of the secret police. ~lost of them were physically and men­tallv broken clown bv Nazi or so,;ict concentration camps. 4. Swiatlo himself participated in the Soviet campaign against the Catholic Church. In the religious sphere, the Ilol, ynod of the Bulgarian Orthodox Church cli"l:,oh·ecl the Lnion of Clerical Brotherhood (in eptember, 1955), whose membcr~hip con~istcd mainly of 1mri~h priests. The ch ief official reason gh:en £or this mo'c \.\OS that the Union lenclcrs had "adopted a policy of counter· action and contradiction" in their relations with the Holy S~ nod. The Union 1enderlil;hip, ~ hich \.\US known to be infil­trated by Cornmunists and Comn1unist S} mpathizers, was aecused or working ngnin~t the unity or the Church and £ailing to reco~nize the superior author .. it~· of the Holy ynod. The di._ .;r;olution £ollowecl shortly n "i~it of Patriarch Kiril to Cher,enko,•, whid1 inclicat("cl th.at d1(" re1time hnd approved disbnnclinit the or~anizntion a~ a 8ource of Irie· tion to the Chureh leadership. The re~ime ~ t ill retains control of the Church, ho\\C\'er, through a spednl con1mittee attached to the Council of Ministers. (Rrprinttd from "Thr. Month in Revirw." Neu·s r,.om Bebmd lhe fro,,, Curtt1i,,,, October, 19SS.) A digest of the six Swiatlo programs on the Catholic Church of Poland follows: General Ivanov Scro, , present chief of Soviet Russia's secret police, is author of the Communist campaign to infiltrate, subvert and seize control of the Catholic Church in Poland. Serov, who was recently named a general of the army, is chairman of tl1e USSR State Security Committee, attached to the Council of }.linistcrs. The cam­paign against Poland's Catholic Church is simply the enforcement of the Scrov plans. Serov is still in charge of the anti-Church program. Swiatlo and Scrov met in 1945, when Scrov was Soviet Russia's '\K\'D boss in Poland. It was Serov's job to prepare Poland for the imposi­tion of Soviet-controlled Communist rule. Swiatlo was transferred from the Polish army to Scrov's command. They got to know each other well, and Scrov relied heavily on Swiatlo for in­formation on Polish political affairs and personnel. It was at that time that Scrov blue-printed a program for seizing control of the Catholic Church. Four top Polish Communists were assigned the job of turning the Church into a Communist bureau: Franciszek \lazur, Secretary of the Communist party's Central Committee; \Volski­Piwowarczyk, \linister of Public Ad­ministration; Boleslaw Piasecki, the regime's "Catholic" leader, and Domi­nik llorodynski, Piasccki's assistant. \Vithout exception, these four men are agents of the ~IVD. ~!azur is the man who traveled to ~loscow to confirm the indictment against Bishop Kaczmarek. He also worked out the details of Cardinal \Vvszvnski's arrest while in 'Moscow. Pi~vO\varczyk is the link between \lazur and the so-called Office of De­nominational Affairs, attached to the Presidium of the Council of \1inisters. Piasecki was a azi collaborator and agent - an offense for which he could have received a death sentence when Russia "liberated" Poland. In­stead, Scrov offered to let him go free if he agreed to become an KVD agent and join the regime campaign to make the Catholic Church in Poland an obedient instrument of Soviet policy. Piasecki accepted this offer after many long personal talks with Serov. Horodvnski, who ostensiblv works for Piasecki, is Bolcslaw Bierut's per­sonal agent for Catholic affairs. Bierut WJIH WO!tl.D )'1101 Stefan Cardinal Wyszynski, Palish Primate of th: Roman Catholic Church, is still confined '" closely guarded and wired monastery, despite.'·~ peated announcements by the Polish author1t1 that he will be released "very soon." is official head of Poland's Communis:1 regime as well as the CommuI111 party boss in Poland. So far Serov's master plan to rnuk' the Cati10lic Church a tool of tl1• Polish regime has met with no st1f_ ccss. o more than 60 of Polan' 10,000 priests have succumbed 1 ' pressure to collaborate with th'. regime. In many cases, they are t11j1 who have been physically and morJl. I broken clown by Soviet or azi c01 ' centration camps. The Communists utilized plan.I\, microphones adeptly in its war aga;r the Church. Piasecki himself use. technical masterpiece to record ~n~11 1 portant conversation with Bis f Choromanski. It was a wallet-like'' vice, concealed in the inside pocket Piasccki's jacket, and connected toF' thin wire which ran up his sleeve. I• pressing a secret button, he cO'~t record his complete conversation ''{ the bishop - to he used, if needed, ti' future trials. The archives of r secret police arc filled with such l cordings of conversations with otl Catholic dignitaries. 1~ ~licrophones arc planted i~ 01 residences of many Catholic b1sh r throughout Poland. The secret rec0 11 ing systems arc particularly claiJOf• in Olsztyn, Tarnow, and \Vrocla''" One of the biggest operations r this kind was the installation of s~ listening apparatus in the rcsidenplJ' Primate Wyszynski in ·warsaw .. ti• for the wirings were made in SW1 ~r Department Ten of the Polish s. j. police. An electronics tech~J named Jadruszkicwicz was dcta1lf 1 supervise this work, which was '1~1 lcssly executed when the Comfit regime decided magnanimous ) EWS, March. 1¢ assist in of Prim• several nal's arr ever> c den cc. In th Swictlik \finistr) friend 0 accomp: hark dis iscd to unusual turned < was to Prison. ' lime bcl eled to, sent for Primate. Brigat clcctroni nccrs a111 rnonaste1 arrived. £°?r, wh IJClllg pr neighbor ~[lccial p Priest" Were to I and ager . Thr la tng dev~ ~ontrol r 1ng and Swictlik e~ch doc ~1al gad~ he mast Particula every m< every hod the guan llU.D pllll1 1ate of th• ined in ' lespite re· outhorititl :nmuni>1 mrnu11i~I to rna~' of th• no so'. Poland' ibed tc I dth th< are rile I mor<'ll~ I fazi c011 assist in the rec:onstruction and repair of Primate \Vyszynski's residence. For several months preceding· the cardi­nal's arrest, the secret police recorded every conversation held in his resi­dence. In the middle of 1953, General Swietlik, Vicc-1\Iinistcr of Poland's \Unistry of Security and an old army fnend of Swiatlo's, invited S\\iatlo to accompany him on a visit to tl1c Lidz­? ark district of Poland. Swietlik prom­ised to show Swiatlo "sometl1ing of unusual interest." The "something" turned out to he the monastery that W~s to be Cardinal Wyszynski's Prison. This trip was made a short t;me befor
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