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Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956
File 036
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 036. 1956-03. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 19, 2019. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/945.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum. (1956-03). Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 036. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/945

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956 - File 036, 1956-03, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 19, 2019, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/979/show/945.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 3, March 1956
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date March 1956
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 5 1956; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States: This item is in the public domain in the United States and may be used freely in the United States. The item may not be in the public domain under the copyright laws of other countries.
Item Description
Title File 036
Transcript CONDENSATION OF related to the target. Both Ozaki and Sorge were such experts, Ozaki on China and Sorge on Japan. Within an espionage network, contact between members is kept down to a minimum for efficiency, and subordinate members deal only with specified persons within the hierarchy. In the case of Sorge, this precaution did not protect him or his net, since his lieutenants "sang" as soon as their subordinates had implicated them. The principle, however, remains. The Sorge case underlines the urgency of making a check of a man's whole life history, not just a previous decade, every time he is considered for a post of trust and confidence under the government. The present leftist- liberal agitation against security checks, in the States, can only be interpreted as manipulated by Communist interests who are afraid of this kind of investigation. The agitation against checks of immigrants is in the same category. The record of civil employees, in the occupation of Japan, is typical of the situation: inadequate security checks unloaded a large number of Commies on Mac- Arthur's Headquarters; it took enormous efforts to get rid of them. A Communist or Communist sympathizer must be considered ipso facto, a traitor who will use his position to betray his country. The pressure to employ experts \rith leftist leanings in government departments in times of crisis must be avoided no matter what their technical skill or how hard pressed the government agency may be for expert assistance. JT ollowing are excerpts from Richard Sorge's own story, "Partial Memoirs," from an exclusive English translation of typed original pages, rescued by Mr. Yoshikawa from the holocaust of bombed Tokyo. Here is a rare glimpse into the mind and soul of a professional Communist, tracing the psychological evolution that turned a young patriotic German soldier into a mechanistic tool of the Kremlin — a mercenary espionage agent. ". . . World War, 1914-1918, exerted a profound influence upon my whole life. Had I been swayed by no other considerations, it alone would have made me a Communist. When it broke out, I was a high school student, 18% years old, in Berlin. My boyhood was passed amid the comparative calm common to the wealthy bourgeois class of Germany. "At the early age of 15, I developed avid interest in Goethe, Schiller, Lessing, Klopstock, Dante, and other various authors and struggled with the history of philosophy and Kant. My favorite periods of history were the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars and the time of Bismarck. I knew Germany's current problems better than the average grown-up. For many years I studied political developments carefully. At school I was known as the 'Prime Minister.' "One summer vacation, I visited Sweden and returned to Germany by the last boat available. World War I had broken out. I volunteered for service immediately. After a completely inadequate six-week training course at a drill ground in the outskirts of Berlin, I was shipped out to Belgium to take part in a great battle on the banks of the Yser. Nobody knew the real purpose of the war, not to speak of its deep-seated significance. "My attention was arrested by the fact that we common Page 34 soldiers were living a life apart. There was very little off- duty contact with officers. They kept to themselves, and I was never able to feel a great affection for them. . ." [Sorge received three wounds; during his convalescences he studied intensely, especially philosophy and economics; resumed university classes after the war.] ". . . My relations with the German Communist party were confined to the period 1918-24. My activities therein ceased with my removal to Moscow in 1924-25 and my transfer to the Soviet Communist party. I assisted actively in the expansion of the Communist International (Comintern ). I was connected with the Russian Communist party headquarters from a subject-matter standpoint and with the 4th Bureau (Army Intelligence) from a procedural standpoint. J. he 'Comintern' is not a party but a world organization of national Communist parties. It consists of many sections representing individual parties, one of which is the USSR Communist Party Section. Its program is to work for the incorporation of the whole world into a single Communist society. It seeks to organize a world-wide Soviet Union — to do away with private ownership of the means of production, with class exploitation and oppression, and with racial tyranny; and to unite all nations in accordance with a single master plan. The Comintern will some day become an economic general staff headquarters for the socialist nations of the world and subsequently a general staff headquarters for the creation of Communist societies. "At present, the Comintern's immediate major objective is to furnish positive guidance to the (national) sections in their struggle for the acquisition of political power in their respective countries. For example, it will judge the prospects for a general strike movement in a given country on the basis of the international economic health of world capitalism. Similarly, it will discourage rebellion when objective conditions do not favor violent revolution but will vigorously encourage revolt when world capitalism exhibits symptoms of acute crisis. "The Comintern will also assist individual parties by consolidating national political and economic struggles and by furnishing national movements with propaganda materials, financial resources and, when necessary, political propaganda, and organization advisers. Such aid has clearly been important and effective. Finally, the Comintern has helped individual sections by establishing special schools and training institutes in Moscow for middle and lower echelon party leaders. ". . . As early as 1928-29, the international revolutionary movement was forced to give increasing thought to problems of defense against counter-revolutionary forces, particularly fascism, national socialism, and ultra-nationalism; the labor movement was driven back on the defensive; and an early revolutionary offensive by the laborers and the 'oppressed races' became out of the question. Moreover, there was ever-increasing danger that war would break out between the world powers, or that they would converge on Russia in an 'imperialistic attack.' The unification of Comintern leadership and Soviet Communist party leadership was consummated through recognition of the hitter's supremacy. . ." Facts Forum News, March, 1956 I C-Ts
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