on the basis of democratic centralism, the fundamental principles of which are: (a) Election of all leading committees of
the Party * * •; (b) periodical reports by leading Party committees to their constituents; (c) decisions of superior Party
committees to be obligatory for subordinate committees, strict
Party discipline and prompt execution of the decisions of the
Communist International, of its leading committees and of the
leading Party centres.
Party questions may be discussed by the members of the
Party and by Party organizations until such time as a decision
is taken upon them by the competent Party committees. After
a decision has been taken by the Congress of the Communist
International, by the Congress of the respective Sections, or
by leading committees of the Comintern, and of its various
Sections, these decisions must be unreservedly carried out
even if a Section of the Party membership or of the local
Party organizations are in disagreement with it. (p. 56).
In his work entitled One Step Forward, Two Steps
Back, published in 1904, Lenin ridiculed political parties
which "proceed from the bottom upwards" and stressed
the superiority of a party which "strives to proceed from
the top downwards, insisting on the extension of the rights
and authority of the centre over the parts."
In a debate with Lenin as early as 1904 Leon Trotsky
outlined with remarkable foresight the type of organization
which Lenin envisaged. In Lenin's scheme the party takes
the place of the working class. The party organization displaces the party. The Central Committee displaces the
party organization, and finally the Dictator displaces the
Membership in our traditional political parties is easily
obtainable and comparatively unrestricted. This is not true
of the Communist Party, which is highly exclusive and
restricted to those who pass its rigid membership requirements.
In What Is To Be Done? Lenin outlined his conception
of the exclusiveness of the Communist Party, which has
been a standard guide for Communists throughout the
world. He declared that —
the more narrow we make the membership of this organization, allowing only such persons to be members who are
engaged in revolution as a profession and who have been
professionally trained in the art of combatting the political
police, the more difficult it will be to "catch" the organization. • • •
A member of an American political party, as a rule, has
many other interests, including his club, his church, his
work, his friends, and his family. Communists, on the other
hand, are expected to be professional revolutionists who,
as Lenin announced in his paper, the Iskra (Spark) in
December, 1900, No. 1. "shall devote to the revolution not
only their spare evenings, but the whole of their lives."
Few Americans realize what this means since no bona
fide political party would dare to make such demands upon
its members. Speaking for the Communist Party, USA, in
his Manual on Organization, J. Peters explains:
A professional revolutionist is ready to go whenever and
wherever the Party sends him. Today he may be working in
a mine, organizing the Party, the trade unions, leading
struggles; tomorrow, if the Party so decides, he may he in a
steel mill; the day after tomorrow, he may be a leader and
organizer of the unemployed ° ° •. From these comrades
the Party demands everything. They accept Parts- assignments
— the matter of family associations and other personal problems are considered, but are not decisive. If the class struggle
demands it, he will leave his family for months, even years
° " *. Our task is to make every Parts- member a professional
revolutionist in this sense.
J. V. Peters, described
by Whittoker Chambers as head of the
Communist underground in the USA.
WIDE WORLD PHOTO
Importance of Theory
None of our American political parties is so fanaticalh
bound by dogma as is the Communist Party, which 1S
devoted to the theories of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinis"'
Briefly this dogma is based upon the following fals*
1. That all phases of American life, industry, eduC*
tion, religion, politics, the press, radio and films, eve"
family life, are dominated primarily by an irreconcilab"
class struggle between the capitalists and the worker^
2. That our system of free capitalist enterprise (whicl1
has produced for the American people the highest liviw
standards in the world), has actually outlived its "Si"
fulness and must be destroyed.
3. That the system of communism (with its sk'u
labor camps, low living standards, and one-party diet8'
torship over every phase of human life) is superior >
and must take the place of our system of free enterpr's
thus abolishing the class struggle for all time.
4. That American democracy is not a government °'
by, and for the American people but a capitalist die''1
torship, which must be destroyed.
5. That this change to communism and a classic*'
society can be brought about only by the violent <>v''r
throw of the capitalist system and our form of govef"
6. That the Communist Party is destined to carry °u
this historic mission. ,
7. That Communists owe their highest and unresei'N'1
loyalty to the Soviet Union, where the Communist fli
tern has been finally established.
For tactical reasons these conceptions may be sliePJ
modified by the ruling hierarchy or disguised to aV**1
legal prosecution, but the basic principles remain the s8ji
and are returned to when a temporary emergency ''',
passed. Thus, the Communist Party, USA, advocated l'
operation with the capitalists and with American detfj
racy when Russia faced destruction from Adolph rfl»I
only to return to its former hostility to capitalism when '
war was over and Hitler was destroyed. M
This chain of dogma is the frame of reference by «™J
the Communist interprets the world around hint and n1^
out his behavior. It provides him with a clear perspec0^
of his present and future battles. It indicates tl" '-','!-
toward which he is striving and which justifies every ",(,i
Facts Forum News, March, -<
a °,r P°