iterated and referred to ever since,
contained the following ten postulates:
1. Labor unions should belong to
their members, not the bosses.
The positions of union officials
should be elective.
2. There should be less talk and
more hard cash. Honest money
(sic!) for honest work.
3. The worker should be permitted to choose the type of work
4. Overtime should be outlawed.
5. Peasants should be allowed to
quit the kolkhozes (i.e., collectives ) if they so desire.
6. There should be a ceiling on the
state's share of agricultural production. Farm contributions to
the state should be equalized.
7. The government should work
for the people, not the politicians.
8. Production should benefit the
people, not the state.
9. Emphasis should once more be
on the consumer. Small shops,
owned and run by little people,
should be revived, to serve the
10. The building industry should
be mobilized for the benefit of
the people, instead of the state
Some points of this so-called people's program, at first sight, may look
impressive. Its cardinal and decisive
error derives precisely from the inability of its collectivistic perpetrators
to recognize the primacy of free enterprise. This program fails to go to the
root of the matter. It does not attack
state control as such. It merely proposes to mitigate and qualify. It is at
its core plain socialism. Yet this is the
sort of thing which, in the form of
leaflets, is dropped from the trans-
Curtain skies bv means of the "freedom balloons" which columnists like
Drew Pearson have been vaunting for
This program does not offer any decisive opposition to the tyranny of
nationalization as such. There is but
the indecisive and dull suggestion to
reform the present Communist system, to abolish its excesses, to turn it
into some form of Titoism or semi-
communism or to return to the socialism of the bankrupt National Front.
Instinctively, the Czechs and Slovaks who hear this so-called people's
program reach for the knob and shut
it off. Thev must shrug their shoulders
at the oratorical antics of men who
rant against talking but in their own
turn offer little beyond empty talk.
This "Program of the People's Opposition" is faulty and spurious because
the concept of Radio Free Europe is
Rep. Charles J. Kef-
sten IR., Wis.l (left)
Chairman of the
Congressional Committee on Communist Aggression and
Rep. Michael A. Fei-
ghan ID., Ohio, with
West Berlin Lord
Mayor Dr. Walter
during 1954 study
WIDE WORLD PHOTO
based on a capital error. Radio Free
Europe basically maintains that the
threat to the free world comes from
Russia as an armed and aggressive
power; it obfuscates the fundamental
issue of the world-wide Communist
In accordance with this leftist line,
Radio Free Europe absolutely never
refers to congressional investigations
of subversives in the United States.
Trans-Curtain listeners are completely unaware of the existence of such
men as Jenner, Velde, Eastland, Walter, Dies, Reece, and Mundt. When
the Kersten committee operated in
Munich, in the summer of 1954, RFE
referred to it; but the texts of testimonies were edited to suit the over-all
soft-pedaling ol basic issues. Radio
Free Europe acts as if it were set up
to preserve the concept of state
bureaucracy and paternalism by all
PETTY COMMUNISTS BLAMED
FOR PARTY POLICY
Radio Free Europe acts as the
quack who peddles cure-alls for the
most nauseating aspects of the Communist disease; it fails to tackle the
roots of communism as such. Thus it
makes much ado about the chicaneries
and perversions of petty Communist
officials, but it does not name the real
culprits, the wire-pullers, the bosses
who guide and encourage the brutalities of little village tyrants.
Radio Free Europe refers by name
to individual Stakhanovites. tractor-
drivers, and prison-guards: it disregards the organizers of the hated
Communist drives. It thus actually
protects the pillars of the Communist
society, the calculating masterminds
who play on the weaknesses ol a confused citizenry and trap their helpless
victims in a net of Communist demoralization and perversion.
In "Messages to Those at Home,"
Radio Free Europe pillories the little
informers who are known to wor*
the state police. .„„», ...«.—
ception these little fellows are kt*J t|le j
far and wide as stooges of the ^ tne s
munist masters. Dossiers on '"}
puppets do not add to the knowj
about Communist evil-doers. ■
dossiers are largely based on clipPj
from the press of Communist!
trolled eastern Europe. The *
agents of the Soviet police, the <J
tors of the program of terrofi
"Messages to Those at Home,
February 29, 1952, at 7:45 p.m.,'"
example, said: "Who is the mail
Nitre? (A tin)- Slovak town — £*,
Who is the master of whom the "
police itself is in fear? It is Serf
Klike. He is hated, dreaded |
mighty. He causes the punishm*!
Eoficemen who sometimes
cart for their victims."
Now, who is this monster. Sl
Klike? Not any "master" by j
means. He is but a well-know'1
sergeant of the uniformed police-.
Again, on June 26, 1952, at *j
p.m., "Messages to Those at r> .
singled out a few Communist w'°
"Comrades M. Pokorelska, H. J?
kova, Kr. Bezakova and M- *j
kova," the broadcast addressed!
to these petty Communists, j
herds and tractor-drivers, reljj
in time the warnings of today. ^
row you may be brought to *
for your misdeeds; but tomorrO*
be too late for you."
"Program for Civil and State•
ants," on April 10, 1955, at S-f i
importantly sounded off: "^etj
your attention to a dangerous i"?
er. The pensioner Miehalek,
Street, Brno, persecutes begtfjj ,
chases them from homes and .
Lands them over to the police. Jv
own interest. Comrade MichaJ'J
advise you to stop your dirty vV'?J tn °?s
This sort of broadcasting, di"'1^ "'<
in a lowered, almost comical t^je p.
supposed to scare primitive
Facts Fom'M News, Fcbrtiar1J'\