OF BREAD AND CIRCUSES
were unwilling to face the fact, that
government produces nothing; what it
gives to one citizen, it must take away
from another. In effect, they were calling upon government to do the job
from winch they shrank; and they considered such action to have moral
sanction because it had political sanction!
We appear to have abandoned the
view of our founding fathers that in
the field of morality only God's presence makes a valid majority; instead
we have substituted the doctrine of
"the divine right of the popular majority."
What is true in the field of water
resources and power is equally true in
other segments of our economy.
We are demoralized by an indecent
competition. Each one denounces government handouts and privileges for
the other fellow — but maintains that
his special privilege is for the "general
welfare." The slogan of many of us
seems to be, "beat the other fellow to
the draw" — i.e., "draw out of the public treasury more than you put in, before someone else gets it."
The result is inevitable — more and
more power is being transferred from
the individual and the states to the
centralized government, frequently at
the request of the states themselves!
The governor of the state of Washington, in a recent address to the National
Municipal League, expressed grave
concern over the transfer of power
which he said results from federal
handouts, and which presages the ultimate destruction of the states.
What has become of our vaunted
sovereign states, our states' rights, and
the fear of our founding fathers of an
all-powerful centralized government
which is neither cognizant of the local
customs of the citizens of the states
nor sympathetic with their hopes and
aspirations? When states come to
Washington with hat-in-hand as suppliants, they become, in effect, wards
of the government. In return for a
meager portion of their own wealth,
they must relinquish a large measure'
of their sovereignty.
What should we do? We have the
answer in that historic statement by
George Mason and Thomas Jefferson,
which was included in the Virginia
Bill of Rights, and which was the
foundation of our Declaration of Independence: "No free government, or
the blessing of liberty, can he preserved to any people but by a firm
adherence to justice, moderation, tem-
perance, frugality and virtue, and by
frecjuent recurrence to fundamental
1 am no prophet of inevitable doom.
On the contrary, I am sounding an
alarm that disaster lies ahead unless
present danger signids are heeded. 1
firmly believe that the world is now
on the threshold of what could be a
great dynamic expansion of spiritual
and material prosperity which would
tax the world's moral and productive
powers to meet humanity's needs. The
world looks to America for moral leadership. But true moral leadership exists only when there is no gap between
our stated aims and our specific actions. I believe that moral improvement must precede material improvement. Let us recall the admonition:
"Seek ye first the Kingdom of God
and His righteousness and all these
things shall be added unto you."
RETURN DECISIONS TO PEOPLE
What specific steps should we take?
I believe that neither I nor anyone
else, no matter how exalted his position, can determine for 165 million
people their day-to-day economic and
social decisions concerning such matters as wages, prices, production, associations and others. So I propose
that these decisions, and the problems
connected therewith, he returned to
the people themselves. This could be
done in four steps, as follows:
First — Let us stop this headlong rush
IWOOD & UNDFIIWOOD
The abundance of raw materials, fertility of soil,
and temperate climate of the U. S., typified by
this fruit grove, are not as important as the
spirit of freedom in maintaining a position of
toward collectivism. Let there
more special privileges lor efflj
ers, employes, farmers, business!
or any other group. This is the'
iest step of all. We need oiib,
frain from passing more social
Second — Let us undertake at oA
orderly demobilization of tnfl
the existing powers of goverut
by the progressive repeal of "l
socialistic laws which we a)
have. This will be a very uVfo beii
step because every pressure vh a |(
in the nation will fight to reta'ci inm
subsidies, monopoly privileges \]j|]
protection. But if freedom is 'jmig, n;
all special privileges must go'Asm. I
Third - Of the powers that reffl^ X,,,
government, let us return
as possible to the states, lor '" 1928 1
local level, the people will of.Sot ju
to apply more critical scrutMBecau
the acts of their government ■'- f» < an
Fourth - Above all, let us resulv-nnmin
never again will we yield to tWFair I
duction of the government paj},'orm.
who comes amongst us oFWon't
"bread and circuses," paid fo'jsoeiali
our own money,
■n f°' , I lav
These measures which I cOt^'leg
to you will require hold action- "heir i
who take up the gage of bat""311 al
be the real pioneers of out a!-1' ' ,a'lii
frontiersmen of the last halt lk,1"«i
twentieth century. We are. i",[ffiCh .'
a great moral crisis which NV . dp^i'!'
mine the issue between Freed0. >(1),
the individual or slavery to the,;1
Let us here recall the words
ident Sam Houston in his m'"
the First Congress oF the Rep^
Texas, May 1, 1837: "Those *f
tend for liberty must be prep1
At the close of the Const*1 b
Convention. Benjamin Frank)1'
dieted that the federal union ■ 'i '
only end in despotism, as oth^tjlaee
have done before it. when the 'fSdiica
shall become so corrupt as .'■'
despotic government, being it'^nd ci
of any other." f/n0re
And the late David Starr J Th,
former President of Stanford L*0''t o
sity, reminded us of our duty' 'f'"1?'-
words: "Does history ever rer*L ",1,s
self? It always docs'if it is ^T Soc
tory. If it does not, we are dc*™
with history but witli a nu'i'' ■
sion of incidents. Like causesV%
choose to test them. . . IIoW '"ifr,,,,,
like effects just as often as "•
the republic endure? So \on$ jbir, i
ideas of its founders rem,"1'
nant." ' u '
Facts FonuM News, FebrW'm