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Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 1, January 1955
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 1, January 1955 - File 025. 1955-01. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. October 19, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/839/show/794.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum. (1955-01). Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 1, January 1955 - File 025. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/839/show/794

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 1, January 1955 - File 025, 1955-01, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed October 19, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/839/show/794.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 1, January 1955
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Contributor
  • Evans, Medford
Publisher Facts Forum
Date January 1955
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 4 1955; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States
Item Description
Title File 025
Transcript E rinks about vj estic figures, ] at if we're go1 issman or evi k lee pillory < ;'re going to 1 : is a lose- of I f centering 0" ons ..f the tat jandists are * alues of our 0 es of our tat! t of course is ' ey was getting radiction beW] our actions, mists monopo irds — words 1 — things which being sound " ae moment « moment we ation. Our p"1? >reigners to be I dtaneously. I *l ect a because en d.... en time on a g1! neously. I ^ a foreignet cause I" W different thi" think it's very! Ir. Schwartz's A one of the reaSJ ittaok the inforj propaganda a<* artment. HigbsJ p is confusing, * field do not I think it's verjB hat we learn »** ey have a tre*j cause they ope? "monolithic pr<! ot only that -—\ enal front orga*J 3 national CoK^ I think I'd 4 ges thai Sei\iri I ibic insofar a9J dar audience; I e spectrum of 9 ih, it's flexible Extremely EW to Great Britain to Japan and a States, a fourth words, they ha' mtradictions 1'"' given audience, k to the questioj laven't the e manv tec hi lieve thai it's p""" ich one of then1 ■JEWS, January, to identify Ibis as the culprit for failure of our general propaganda program. It seems to me that we, as a people, cannot be expected — functioning democratically — to indulge in the same skillful opportunism which the Russians may use in the series of contradictions to which you referred. Instead, I believe it is necessary for America to develop a policy: and this must come from the American people, under proper leadership, rather than in arbitrary edict from the President of the United States or our Cabinet. \\C don't know what we as a people want to do and therefore we're voiceless. Or we speak with incoherence because there is no actual unity of objective and plan in the hearts and minds of our people. It seems to me that we have most of the world still Ice fight for, in Asia and Africa. Prof. Hodges: Don'l forget Latin America. Mr. Combs: Certainly I should not have neglected that. When we talk about propaganda, we have to decide two or three things. First, what do we want these people to do? Secondly, how are we going to tell them and by what means are we going to tell them what we want them to do? And third, what idiom of expression or communication are we going to use — because the democratic idiom is something that may be unknown to a lot of them? So it seems to me that we have to start with the people and then translate the national policy into definite terms of what we want the rest of ihe. world to do, vis-a-vis our own policy. I don't mean to dictate to them, but I think we- have to have very clearly defined ideas of what is best for the free peoples. Mr. Ill i m | i : I'll like- lee pick up a glove that Mr. Combs threw down— and that is what I think is the totally gratuitous slur upon congressional investigating committees and their function in supervising the activities of the executive. I am a little bit weary of the argument, "Just look IniH much more efficient the government could be if it didn't have somebody looking over its shoulder to see if it were doing the job right." "Sow I'm prepared to concede that it might be; but I'm not prepared to sacrifice, what is involved and symbolized in the fact that a congressional committee can go over there to France or even Ice Germany and look over the shoulders of United States information Experts. I also think there has been ever) reason in the world for them to do so, because there has been scandal after scandal after scandal emanating from the- lack of technical competence "I our representatives in the free world — to say nothing of the fact that, prag- FACTS FORUM NEWS, January, 1955 matically, they haven't gotten very far anywhere. So I would like to say that I think Dr. Schwartz put his finger on the problem more concisely than any of us has and that what we've got to decide first of all is just what it is that we want these people to do; and having done that, we've got to examine the premises which would add up to an inherently attractive program. Prof. Hodges: We've got to pay for it: we've got to pay for it! Do the people to whom we aim our propaganda recognize it as such? Do they resent it? \lu. Combs: Well, if they can see through it. then of course it is not propaganda in the best or truest sense of the word. Propaganda has an unpleasant and even sinister connotation. Il really should mean merely the dissemination of a point of view. And if our point of view is honest, sound, and is one which can be accepted and embraced by those to whom it is addressed, then it will not be seen through because il will not be transparent. And it seems to me that if we're going to talk as a democracy about doing a skillfully artful job of propaganda, then we are licked before we start, because we haven't the guile for it. Prof. Hodges: Well, then, you think it's got to be the "big truth" instead of the "big lie," which the Moscow apparatus— Mr, Combs: Yes. but 1 think it ought to be a selective "big truth"— Prof. Hodges: Oh, yes. Mr. Buckley: Let me make some concrete proposals. I would back a movement by the government of the United States to inform the world at large that we do not intend to come to terms with the Soviet Union; that we regard them as barbarians; that we be- lieve that there is nothing to negotiate with them short of their capitulation — not to us but to their own enslaved peoples and that we're going to follow thai line hard; that we guarantee any insurgence against the Soviet Union all the support that we can possibly muster; and lhat we're not going to spend the interim between then and the successful revolution in drinking cocktails with \lololo\ an.I the other bloodletters in the hall- of the United Nations. What techniques could be used by America to best combat communism? Dr. Schwartz: I'd like to answer lhat question and then pose one for Mr. Buckley. I think lhat the basic thing we've got to do is decide what we want done — what our policy is — make a peelicy and then use a propaganda ap paratus to sustain that policy. Now, what Mr. Buckley has done is to enunciate one of the possible choices before us in terms of our policy. I think in many ways that would be a desirable alternative as against the present confusion, although perhaps not the most desirable alternative. That's debatable. The question I'd really like to pose for Mr. Buckley is this: Are you prepared, sir, to draw the logical conclusions from your position? The logical conclusion, it would seem to me, is that we must prepare for war with the Soviet Union, and we must be willing to spend today I hi- amounts that will be required to provide the arms for this war to which your policy leads. Mr. Buckley: Yes, sir. Mr. Combs: Are we getting, after all, into a discussion of the message which shall be carried rather than the techniques? The thing that I think we can do now is to begin an onslaught on the loyalties of the uncommitted countries which are leaning towards communism. And I believe that can be done by the best form of propaganda — which is aid. Mr. Buckley: We've been doing it for years. Mr. Combs: It should be more intelligently done, and it need not all be done by the government. We could initiate in this country of ours an "adoption" of various communities and villages throughout Asia and Latin America which would establish a direct connection between our country and those abroad. We should also, without any question whatever, define our national purpose and adhere to it. Mr. Buckley: And what shall it be? Mr. Combs: I think it should be a stern, unequivocal expression of our unwillingness to live in a world dominated by Communists. Prof. Hodges: I guess we are all in agreement on that one. I think we also have to come down to the dollars and cents. And I think it's preposterous when Edward L. Bemays, eminent public relations man, tells me that he estimates three billion dollars a year being spent by the Soviets— Prof. Hodges: Now, what's the U.S. 1952 peak — $153 million, rounded; 1953 cut back to $123 million; 1954 a oil further back of 37 per cent; and we're spending for 1955, $89 million. Now, what are you going to do with ihe American people on that? Mr. Buckley: I would also like to point out that the Soviets won millions of people when they had nothing to spend. The whole cost of the Sorge spy ring for eight years was $28 thousand —twelve people working for eight years. Page 23
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