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Wide World '"'
—Wide World Photo
Dmitry Z. Manuilski
comes, a series of frightful clashes between the Soviet Bepublic and the bourgeois states is inevitable.""
1 he Cominform, which was founded
in 1947 and which is the new version of
the old Communist International, formulated its foreign policy in these words:
"Inasmuch as antagonistic classes
have been liquidated in the U.S.S.R. and
the moral-political unity of Soviet society has been achieved, the class struggle in all its acuteness has now shifted
from the Soviet Union to the international arena.""
In 1950, with the Soviet drive for
peaceful coexistence in full swing,
Stalin, for the first time, published a
letter which he had written to Maxim
Corki two decades earlier—a letter in
which Stalin said:
We are not against every war. . . .
We are for a liberating, anti-imperialist, revolutionary war. although such a
war, as is known, not only is not free
from horrors of bloodshed, but abounds
One of the most forthright statements
of Soviet policy was made in 1930 by
Dmitry Z. Manuilski, in a speech to the
International Students of the Lenin
School of Political Warfare. Moscow:
'"War to the hilt between Communism
and Capitalism is inevitable. Today, of
course, we are not strong enough to attack. Our time will come in 20 or 30
years. To win we shall need the element
of surprise. The bourgeoisie' will have
to be put to sleep. So we shall begin by
aunching the most spectacular peace
movement on record. There will be elec-
li ilying overtures and unheard-of concessions. The capitalist countries, stupid
and decadent, will rejoice to cooperate
in their own destruction. They will leap
at another chance to be friends. As soon
as their guard is down we shall smash
them with our clenche'd fist."1"
That is fairly clear, isn't it?
Now. if you please, just pause for a
FACTS FORUM NEWS, January, 1955
moment and let this sink into your mind.
This same Manuilski has for years been
one of the most prominent figures in the
United Nations. In fact, he helped to
draft the preamble to the United Nations Charter. When he uses the word
justice, does he mean the same thing we
have in mind, or does he mean lulling
us with talk about peaceful coexistence
through the UN, and then smashing us
with the clenched fist?
To us, negotiation means give and
take. To the Communists, it means take
—and hold on to that, until they can
take some more.
If, in order to gel concessions from
us, they have to make promises, the
Communists will make them. Then they
simply repudiate their own promises.
We cannot repudiate ours. We are
hog-tied by our own ethics.
The Communists have been doing this
sort of thing since 1917—and boasting
None of the information which we
now have about Communist methods is
new. It isn't something we have discovered in the past few years. We've had it
Boosevelt knew all about Communist
tactics. In fact, official State Department studies detailing the history and
the methods of the world-wide Communist revolutionary program were urgently
called to Boosevelt's attention before he
recognized the Soviets in 1933, thus
saving them from attack by Japan, saving them from collapse by internal revolt, and providing them protected
beachheads in our own country for infiltrating our own institutions and government.11
Our top government officials knew
what was going on during World War
II. when we were trading eleven billion
dollars of American lend-lease for
Soviet spies who filched our secrets in
radar and atomic energy.
We knew all about Communists before we met with them in conferences in
Teheran, in Yalta, in Potsdam; before
we got into the United Nations with
them; before General George C. Marshall went out to China to force Chiang
Kai-shek to negotiate with them; and
before our Secretaries of State—Mr.
Acheson and Mr. Dulles—met with them
at Paris, at Berlin, at Geneva.
800,000,000 INTO SLAVERY
It was in conference and cooperation
with Western leaders that the Soviets
and their puppets negotiated eight hundred million people in Europe and Asia
Every conference we have with the
Communists is a false pretense on our
part that we don't know what the Communists are after: therefore we must
—Wide World Photo
Soldiers and sailors read "Truce Ends Korean War" on moving sign in New York. The
long-awaited armistice came after three
years and one month of undeclared war.
If we should abandon our ethics and
adopt the methods of the Communists
in order to be less handicapped in our
negotiations with them, then we would
become like the Communists; we would
already have lost the struggle to maintain our way of life.
The only way to avoid this dilemma is
to refuse any more negotiations with
When we sign some agreement like
the Korean armistice, and then pretend
that we are shocked because the Communists immediately begin to violate
the very terms which they insisted on,
we are kidding ourselves. We knew they
were going to violate the Korean armistice agreement, just as we now know
that they are violating the agreements
—Wide World Photo
General Mark W. Clark affixes his signature to Korean armistice document.