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Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 054. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. October 29, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/53.

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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 054. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/53

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 054, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed October 29, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/53.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
Alternate Title Facts Forum News, Vol. IV, No. 9, October 1955
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date unknown
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 4 1955; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States
Item Description
Title File 054
Transcript corrective recommendations, applied to diplomacy, which are worth study. Mr. Huddleston feels that there has been too much scurrying around on the part of chiefs-of-state and foreign ministers, too much discussion of delicate negotiations while slill in process, too many highly publicized "conferences.' too much appeal and response to popular, ill-informed emotion. He feels thai the use of the UN as a platform for invective is a constant threat to peace. While urging a return to diplomacy, quietly and expertly conducted, the author realizes the difficulties attending such a change, for he accompanies this recommendation with the observation that this would require a large-scale change of personnel. Indeed, few would be in favor of a policy of secret diplomacy in the hands of the foreign policy hierarchy whose crumbling architecture is today such a blot on the global landscape. And they would insist, also, that the people be given some semblance of a choice of national policy in elections. Delightful is the manner in which Mr. Huddleston answers the apologists for the foreign policies which have brought us where we are—those apologists who say criticism must be "constructive, that if we say these policies are wrong we must have something to put in their place. "Since it is expected that criticism be 'constructive.' I will offer some suggestions along this line of thought. First, however, let me deny the assumption that one cannot render needed and constructive service by merely exposing fatal errors and abuses. That, quite conceivably, may be lhe most important service of all, even though, hy a curious quirk, it has now become the fashion to protest whenever the evils of any system are pointed out. But. what have you to put in its place? is always asked. It may not be necessary to put anything in the place of bad practices. It may he sufficient to abandon them. If a dipsomaniac is urged to stop drinking to save his life or preserve his sanity, it is rather fatuous to tell him to try taking narcotics, chewing gum. or eating can- dies. He can. if he pleases, take drugs. chew gum or eat candies; it is possible that this substitution of one habit for another will help; but it is no part of the business of the person who warns him of the consequences of his dangerous addiction to teach him how to contract other habits. He must stop drinking—that is the first step. ". . . So with the system of popular diplomacy, whose ravages I have described briefly in these pages. If we are. as nations, to recover from the serious public illness into which we have fallen Ihe first and last recipe is to stop fur ther indulgence in at least the grosser and more fatal phases of popular diplo macv. Cut out the much advertised con ferences, the top-level meetings, the bitter public discussions, the perpetual agitation, the interminable speeches about foreign affairs, the inflammatory newspaper comments, the incessant comings-and-goings of politicians, the working up of crises. More discretion. decent silence, these are 'negative' remedies; but the result will be a 'positive' gain in diplomatic health."' Of particular interest is Mr. Huddleston's discussion of the position of commanding influence that Maxim Litvinov achieved in the League of Nations. Litvinov sold Western diplomats two pernicious doctrines which today represent foundation stones of the United Nations and of our own foreign policy, "All the pacifists of the League were bound lo applaud when Litvinov called for 'collective security,' which meant that all countries (with a mental restriction in favor of Russia) should jump with both Feel into anv local wetland destroy each other. He coined another clever and seductive phrase, 'indivisible peace,' which signified much the same thing. For my part, I held that 'collective security' was really 'collective suicide,' and that 'indivisible peace' amounted to 'indivisible war'— war on a bigger and bigger scale, world war whenever two or more tiny states started a dogfight. But the most responsible ministers from the great powers piously repeated the words after Litvinov, and the most earnest peace-workers in Geneva thrilled at the prospect of an all-nations war. " 'Russian communism emerged from the First World War; world communism will emerge from a Second World War.' said a cynical Russian observer. The unexpressed condition was that Russia should keep out of the Second World War after having provoked it." True enough, the Soviet Union entered a non-aggression pact with Nazi Germany, participated in the enslavement of the Polish people, and then sat complacently on the sidelines while the Western powers went to war with Germany. Stalin overlooked one point: the madness of Hitler. For those who look to the United \ei- lions for the establishment of peace. Mr. Huddleston has this to say: "• • ■ most of the evils of the League of Nalions persist in this international organization which grew- oul nf the Second Wen Iel War—in some respects they bene been aggravated. . . . Though the UN was established to preserve peace, ii was soon admitted by both sides thai peace was most likely to be maintained by wars against aggressors and by gigantic mililarv preparations. The Orwellian slogan that 'Wen is Peace' weis. consciously or unconsciously, from the beginning adopted by both conflicting groups within the UN." UN adherents have claimed that the Korean War proved the usefulness of that organization in deterring aggression. Sisley Huddleston offers an explanation for the Soviet delegate's strange absence from the Security Council the absence which permitted the conversion of President Truman's "police action" into a UN war: "Only the unexplained absence of lhe Russian delegate from the Security Council in June. 1950. made possible the' UN intervention in the Korean War. Probably the absence was due to the shrewd perception that such action would greatly drain and weaken the United States, would train the new Chinese military machine, and would solidify Chinese public opinion behind the Communist regime, while imposing no serious burdens on Soviet Russia." It is inconceivable that the Kremlin rulers were ignorant of the impending Communist allack in Korea. They either miscalculated very badly or else knew. also, lhal lhe United Stales would not be permitted to achieve victory. Popular Diplomacy and War is a most helpful book which provides perceptive commentary on many facets of the present world situation. But there is one major point to which the author could have given more attention. It is a point now brought lo lhe fore bv the' successful carrying-oul of the Kremlin's "peaceful coexistence" line. Yet, in his opposition to theatrical conferences and meetings of chiefs-of-state, Mr. Huddleston is very much on the right track. Il is simply this. The Communist tyrants in Moscow and Peiping rule a vast slave empire. The people of dozens of originally independent countries are suffering under the most extensive and most brutal slave system the world has ever known. Not only the people of Czechoslovakia, Poland. East Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, lhe Baltic countries, and others desire release from foreign conquest and tyranny. Ih'' people oF Russia, lhe Ukraine. Byelorussia. Georgia — and China — must have some yearning for freedom, for some release from the terror of the total Communisl police state. These people must look for hope to the free peoples of the world. But if the elected representatives of the free peoples constantly honor and dignify murderous tyrants at e ami international cocktail parlies, they offer scant hope to lhe wretchedly enslaved. There will be few supporters for the thesis of a war of liberation, and such a thesis has nol been seriously advanced. Evil is not destroyed by attempting to annihilate ils victims — by saturation bombings of non-combatant civilian populations and other acts which fulfill only evil's intent. If we learned nothing else frnm World War 11. we should have learned that. Bui rejection of initiation (Continual mi Page 54) Page 52 FACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955
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