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Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 052. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. October 29, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/51.

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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 052. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/51

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 052, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed October 29, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/51.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
Alternate Title Facts Forum News, Vol. IV, No. 9, October 1955
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date unknown
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 4 1955; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States
Item Description
Title File 052
Transcript nificenl monographs constitute lln est political message of this generation, very likely of this half-century. In The Revolution Was Mr. Garrett lists in order nine problems, viewed as steps of scientific revolutionary technic. He then proceeds to examine how these problems have been attacked, and solved, by the colleetivist revolutionaries who have guided our ship of slate for more than two decades. The problems: I 1 I "Capture the seat of government." 12) "Sieze economic power." (3) "Mobilize by propaganda the forces of hatred." e 1 i "Reconcile and then attach to the revolution the two great classes whose adherence is indispensable but whose interests eire economically antagonistic, namely, the industrial wage earners and the farmers, called in Europe workers and peasants." (51 "What to do with business — whether to liquidate or shackle it." These Mr. Garrett calls "the program of conquest." They are history. The remaining four—the "program of consolidation"— are in the late evening hours and are the ones with which we are most concerned today. (6) "The domestication of the individual — by any means that would make the individual more dependent upon government." (7) "The systematic reduction of all forms of rival author- itv. I,S1 "To sustain popular faith in an unlimited public debt." (91 "To make the government it- -elf the great capitalist and enterpriser, so that the ultimate power in initiative would pass from the hands of private enterprise to the all-powerful state." The last is the end-point of the pro- cess, lhe totalitarian colleetivist state— Communist. Socialist, Fascist — call it what vou will. Number seven is of great contemporary interest, for it is at this movement lhat lhe Bricker Amendmenl strikes. Mr. Garrett lists the principal forms of rival authority which must be reduced. They are: the Congress, the Supreme Court. sovereign Slates, and local self-government. The night is already near spent in the subordination of these to the will of ihe Executive. The leadership principle is exalted. The rise of empire heralds ultimate executive rule. The power of the purse has passed from the Congress to the Executive. The exclusive power to declare war. vested bv the Constitution in the Congress, was taken deceptively by President Roose velt, openly by President Truman. The purse and the sword, reserved most jealously in the Constitution to the elected representatives of the people, are in the same hand. This is revolution, revolution within the form, even as Aristotle wrote: "People do not easily change, but love their own ancient customs; and it is by small degrees only that one thing takes the place of another; so that the ancient laws will remain, while the power will be in the hands of those who have brought about a revolution in the stale." How is this? In his incomparable prose- Caret Garrett tells us: "Formerly the people supported government and set limits to it and minded their own lives. "Now they pay for unlimited government, whether thev want it or not, and the government minds their lives—looking to how they are- fed and clothed and housed: how ihey provide for their old age; how the national income, which is the product of their own labor, shall be divided among them; how they shall buv emd sell: how long and how hard and under what conditions they shall work, and how equity shall be maintained between the buyers of food who dwell in the cities and the producers of food who live on the soil. For the last named purpose it resorts to a system of subsidies, penalties and compulsions. and assumes with medieval wisdom to fix the just price. "This is the Welfare State. It rose suddenly within the form. It is legal because the Supreme Court says it is. The Supreme Court once said no and then changed its mind and said ves. because meanwhile the President who was the architect of the Welfare State had appointed to the Supreme Court bench men who believed in it." The threshold of Empire is somewhere behind. But. what is empire? Mr. Garrett identifies it in terms of the things that belong only to empire. He writes: "War. conquest, colonization, expansion—these are political exertions thai occur in the hislory of any kind of state that was ever known, tyrannies, oligarchies, republics or democracies. But let us regard the things that belong only to empire, and set them down. Then we shall see." "The first requisite of Empire is: Thc executive power of government shall be dominant." "A second mark hy which you may unmistakably distinguish Empire is: Domestic policy becomes subordinate to foreign policy" "Another brand mark of Empire is: Ascendancy oj the military mind. In such a point at last that the civilian mind is intimidated." "Another historic feature of Empire, and this a structural feature, is: A system of satellite nations." ("No Empire is secure in itself; its security is in the hands of its allies.") "A curious and characteristic emotional weakness of Empire is: A complex of vaunting and fear." ("Let us resolve to do what is necessary. Necessity will create the means. Conversely, lln- fear. Fear of the barbarian. Fear of standing alone. Fear of world opinion, since we must have it on our side.") "A time comes when Empire finds itself—A prisoner oj history." ("It is our turn.") "Empire of the Bottomless Purse," Garet Garrett calls it. In his final chapter, entitled "The Lost Terrain," the author tells us what we must do if we are lo recover constitutional government and retain any real degree of freedom for ourselves eeii'l our children. "Between government in the republican meaning, that is, Constitutional, representative, limited government, mi the one hand, and Empire on the other hand, there is mortal enmity. Either one must forbid the other or one will destroy lhe other. That we know. Yel never has the choice been put to a vote of the people. "The country has been committed to lhe course of Empire by Executive Gov- ernment, one step at a time, with slogans, concealments, equivocations, a propaganda of fear, and in every crisis an appeal for unity, lest we present to lhe world the aspect of a divided nation, until at last it may be proclaimed that events have made the decision and it is irrevocable. Thus, now to alter the course is impossible. If that were true, then a piece of writing like this would be an exercise in pessimistic vanity. "Who says it is impossible? The President says il; the State Department says it; all globalists and one-worlders are saying it. "Do not ask whither or not it is possible. Ask yourself this: If it were possible, what would it take? How could thc people restore the Republic if they would? or. before that, how could they recover their Constitutional sovereign right to choose for themselves? "When you have put it that way you are hound to turn and look al lhe lost terrain. What are the positions, forgotten or surrendered, lhat would have tee lee- recaptured?" The author then discusses the heights which must be regained. His identification of the fust height presents one of tin- best available analyses of the great- e-si eib-teicle to lhe preservation and res- toration nf a free America. "The height in the foreground is a state of mind. To recover the habil of decision the people must learn again to think for themselves: and ibis would require a kind of self-awakening, as from a wee small alarm in the depths. This is so because thinking has been Page 50 FACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955
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