nificenl monographs constitute lln
est political message of this generation,
very likely of this half-century.
In The Revolution Was Mr. Garrett
lists in order nine problems, viewed as
steps of scientific revolutionary technic.
He then proceeds to examine how these
problems have been attacked, and
solved, by the colleetivist revolutionaries
who have guided our ship of slate for
more than two decades. The problems:
I 1 I "Capture the seat of government."
12) "Sieze economic power."
(3) "Mobilize by propaganda
the forces of hatred."
e 1 i "Reconcile and then attach
to the revolution the two
great classes whose adherence is indispensable but
whose interests eire economically antagonistic, namely,
the industrial wage earners
and the farmers, called in
Europe workers and peasants."
(51 "What to do with business
— whether to liquidate or
These Mr. Garrett calls "the program
of conquest." They are history. The remaining four—the "program of consolidation"— are in the late evening
hours and are the ones with which we
are most concerned today.
(6) "The domestication of the
individual — by any means
that would make the individual more dependent upon
(7) "The systematic reduction
of all forms of rival author-
I,S1 "To sustain popular faith in
an unlimited public debt."
(91 "To make the government it-
-elf the great capitalist and
enterpriser, so that the ultimate power in initiative
would pass from the hands
of private enterprise to the
The last is the end-point of the pro-
cess, lhe totalitarian colleetivist state—
Communist. Socialist, Fascist — call it
what vou will.
Number seven is of great contemporary interest, for it is at this movement
lhat lhe Bricker Amendmenl strikes. Mr.
Garrett lists the principal forms of rival
authority which must be reduced. They
are: the Congress, the Supreme Court.
sovereign Slates, and local self-government. The night is already near spent
in the subordination of these to the
will of ihe Executive. The leadership
principle is exalted. The rise of empire
heralds ultimate executive rule.
The power of the purse has passed
from the Congress to the Executive. The
exclusive power to declare war. vested
bv the Constitution in the Congress, was
taken deceptively by President Roose
velt, openly by President Truman. The
purse and the sword, reserved most
jealously in the Constitution to the
elected representatives of the people, are
in the same hand.
This is revolution, revolution within
the form, even as Aristotle wrote:
"People do not easily change, but
love their own ancient customs; and
it is by small degrees only that one
thing takes the place of another;
so that the ancient laws will remain,
while the power will be in the hands
of those who have brought about a
revolution in the stale."
How is this? In his incomparable
prose- Caret Garrett tells us:
"Formerly the people supported government and set limits to it and minded
their own lives.
"Now they pay for unlimited government, whether thev want it or not, and
the government minds their lives—looking to how they are- fed and clothed and
housed: how ihey provide for their old
age; how the national income, which is
the product of their own labor, shall be
divided among them; how they shall
buv emd sell: how long and how hard
and under what conditions they shall
work, and how equity shall be maintained between the buyers of food who
dwell in the cities and the producers
of food who live on the soil. For the
last named purpose it resorts to a system
of subsidies, penalties and compulsions.
and assumes with medieval wisdom to
fix the just price.
"This is the Welfare State. It rose
suddenly within the form. It is legal
because the Supreme Court says it is.
The Supreme Court once said no and
then changed its mind and said ves.
because meanwhile the President who
was the architect of the Welfare State
had appointed to the Supreme Court
bench men who believed in it."
The threshold of Empire is somewhere behind. But. what is empire? Mr.
Garrett identifies it in terms of the
things that belong only to empire. He
"War. conquest, colonization, expansion—these are political exertions thai
occur in the hislory of any kind of state
that was ever known, tyrannies, oligarchies, republics or democracies. But let
us regard the things that belong only to
empire, and set them down. Then we
"The first requisite of Empire is: Thc
executive power of government shall be
"A second mark hy which you may
unmistakably distinguish Empire is:
Domestic policy becomes subordinate
to foreign policy"
"Another brand mark of Empire is:
Ascendancy oj the military mind. In
such a point at last that the civilian mind
"Another historic feature of Empire,
and this a structural feature, is: A
system of satellite nations." ("No Empire is secure in itself; its security is in
the hands of its allies.")
"A curious and characteristic emotional weakness of Empire is: A complex of vaunting and fear." ("Let us
resolve to do what is necessary. Necessity will create the means. Conversely,
lln- fear. Fear of the barbarian. Fear of
standing alone. Fear of world opinion,
since we must have it on our side.")
"A time comes when Empire finds itself—A prisoner oj history." ("It is our
"Empire of the Bottomless Purse,"
Garet Garrett calls it.
In his final chapter, entitled "The
Lost Terrain," the author tells us what
we must do if we are lo recover constitutional government and retain any
real degree of freedom for ourselves eeii'l
"Between government in the republican meaning, that is, Constitutional,
representative, limited government, mi
the one hand, and Empire on the other
hand, there is mortal enmity. Either one
must forbid the other or one will destroy
lhe other. That we know. Yel never has
the choice been put to a vote of the
"The country has been committed to
lhe course of Empire by Executive Gov-
ernment, one step at a time, with slogans, concealments, equivocations, a
propaganda of fear, and in every crisis
an appeal for unity, lest we present to
lhe world the aspect of a divided nation,
until at last it may be proclaimed that
events have made the decision and it is
irrevocable. Thus, now to alter the
course is impossible. If that were true,
then a piece of writing like this would
be an exercise in pessimistic vanity.
"Who says it is impossible? The
President says il; the State Department
says it; all globalists and one-worlders
are saying it.
"Do not ask whither or not it is
possible. Ask yourself this: If it were
possible, what would it take? How could
thc people restore the Republic if they
would? or. before that, how could they
recover their Constitutional sovereign
right to choose for themselves?
"When you have put it that way you
are hound to turn and look al lhe lost
terrain. What are the positions, forgotten or surrendered, lhat would have
tee lee- recaptured?"
The author then discusses the heights
which must be regained. His identification of the fust height presents one of
tin- best available analyses of the great-
e-si eib-teicle to lhe preservation and res-
toration nf a free America.
"The height in the foreground is a
state of mind. To recover the habil of
decision the people must learn again to
think for themselves: and ibis would
require a kind of self-awakening, as
from a wee small alarm in the depths.
This is so because thinking has been
FACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955