W e have that intangible source of
strength that was so brilliantly emphasized in the recent Bandung conference, the spiritual values of freedom,
the history of a people thai cast off the
yoke of colonialism, the thrilling and
inspiring story of a new nation conceived in liberty, with a government of
tin- people', by the people, and for the
people. Our leaders were far too pessimistic about the Bandung conference.
Official statements indicated that the
Asian-African conference might very
well become a propaganda springboard
for the forces of communism in the Far
Easl. We again underestimated the importance of this conference. Our government hesitated to even send official
greetings. We apparently underestimated
the greal reservoir of good will that
still exists in Asia and Africa for
America the America lhal had given
freedom to the Philippines and Cuba,
for the America that has always championed the self-determination of peoples.
It was spiritual values and political
idealism—yes, the moral forces that
have made our country greal—that
served as our ally, our defender in this
unique and all-important meeting of the
Asian and African nalions.
I know we Americans take all of ibis
for granted, but it truly is the good news
of the 20th century. Millions of people
in Asia and Africa are repealing in their
own way the dramatic story of American independence. They are doing whal
We did. We, above all people, should he
Understanding and sympathetic to their
cause. There is an identity of interest,
of purpose, and of history, if we will
but see it and make ourselves a part of
it. National independence, self-determination, liberation from colonialism—all
of this we have experienced. This is our
message lo the world. This message.
found in the Declaration of Independence, has given faith to millions of
people seeking dignity in all corners <>!
'he globe. This message of faith in
human brotherhood and in human
equality is our reservoir of good will in
'In- world. It was this message thai
found its way into every speech at Banning, save that of Chou En-lai. It is the
Ipiritual and political values that make
"in society what it is, that really topped
'lie news in the Asian-African confer-
' ii',-. \mi-i iea weis respected not for her
■'loin bombs or her wealth, but for her
■deals and her history. We must be true
To the extent that we have lost friends,
^e have done so because we have forgotten lhe message of human brother-
flood and equality, or forgotten to
Preach and live that message.
The time is ready for us to dedicate
°ur talents, our resource's, to winning
•he colli war. not just stabilizing it.
Specifically, 1 suggest, firsl. we join
with the spiril of nationalism lhal grips
the underdeveloped and underprivileged
countries. Remind these people that we
too are the children of self-determination, of revolution, and of a will to freedom and independence.
Second, respect the so-called neutralism of newborn nations, and make il
clear that we understand their neutralism to be one predicated on independence, self-determination, and self-government.
We must understand this neutralism
and what it is—namely, a spirit of nationalism in former colonial areas.
These neutral nations do not want to be
appendages to Soviet imperialism or
Western collective security. They have
unhappy memories of exploitation by
certain Western European countries who
are now our allies. Their leaders have
a keen awareness of the dangers of
Communist infiltration and subversion
and have taken strong measures to defeat the Communist conspiracy. These
neutrals are not pro-Communist—they
are pro-themselves. And I suggest that
eis long as nations remain free, as long
as the new nalions of Asia and Africa
work for themselves, create self-governments, build their own economies, they
are in fact strengthening the forces of
freedom in the world. Why are we so
much more critical of the neutralism of
Burma and India than we are of the
neutralism of Switzerland. Finland, and
Sweden. Surely we realize that our
friends of Switzerland. Finland, and
Sweden are pro-democratic, pro-freedom. We admire their qualities, we admire their democracy, we herald their
accomplishments. Let us be equally tolerant with the Asian nalions.
Third, we should engage in greater
use of our capital through international
organizations such as tin- I \. the World
Bank, and other international financial
development groups—doing much more
than we ever contemplate, not on the
basis of gifts, but on the basis of long-
Fourth, we should step up our own
Point Four, but even more important,
work through the UN and offer to
greatly expand 1 \ technical assistance.
Let us take the initiative in ibis area.
Fifth, let us use our blessings of food
and fiber. We ran proceed through the
UN, offering vast quantities of food and
liber to be placed under the general direction of the UN Food and Fiber Reserve. Here we can seize the initiative.
We have the food and fiber—we can
call upon others to share.
Sixth, we must sel a good standard at
home—revise our immigration laws, im-
me-ilieilelv liberalize- our refugee act, implement our program of civil rights. Any
acl of Congress thai gives offense lo
large segments of free peoples of the
world adversely affects American foreign
policy. Our present immigration laws
reflect adversely upon many people and
do a disservice to the true tradition of
the United States.
Seventh, we should authorize a dramatic expansion of student exchange,
along with the exchange of technicians,
professional people, farmers, laborers,
businessmen, journalists, and others engaged in public communication.
Eighth, unstinting support of the I N,
with particular emphasis on the World
Health Organization, Food and Agriculture, Children's Emergency Fund. These
programs represent America's compassion and generosity exercised in a spirit
of international cooperation.
Ninth, the systematic reduction of
tariffs and other artificial obstacles to
world trade, including re-examination of
East-West trade restrictions.
Tenth, we must make unceasing efforts toward the reduction of armaments
and the realization of universal disarmament.
Let us instill spirit and meaning into
the disarmament discussions by demonstrating imagination. Let us offer to join
with the rest of the world in reducing
and then eliminating our armaments
race, accompanied by a joint pledge
that we spend a portion of the money
we thereby save in helping to eliminate
poverty in the world. The proposal of
the late Senator Brien McMahon is one
which should constantly be in the forefront of our minds as we participate in
the disarmament discussions.
I welcome the proposal of the President in creating the Office of Special
Assistant in Charge of Disarmament. I
now hope that my own proposal for the
creation of a Special Subcommittee on
Disarmament thai is to match the action
of thc Executive and strengthen our
hand for disarmament will be accepted.
I have emphasized our more active
participation in lhe I nited Nations, and
its related agencies, because I am convinced that the most practical approach
to the areas of Asia and Africa is
through the United Nations. This greal
organization will be only as strong as
the use that is made of it. It can only-
do as much as it is permitted to do by
the great powers. Our entire international policy is based on our adherence
to and respect for the Charter of the
United Nations. We must become champions of that charter. On every occasion,
in every conference, in every policy
statement, we must relate our actions
to the fulfillment of the principles of
the United Nations Charter. The Charter
of the United Nations is for the world
what the Declaration of Independence
is for us. Il is a world charter of freedom and justice. It is lhe 20th century
Declaration of Interdependence.
I recognize the weaknesses of the
United Nations. But I also recognize
PACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955