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Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
File 024
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 024. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. October 29, 2020. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/23.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 024. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/23

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955 - File 024, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed October 29, 2020, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/69/show/23.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 4, No. 9, October 1955
Alternate Title Facts Forum News, Vol. IV, No. 9, October 1955
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date unknown
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 4 1955; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States
Item Description
Title File 024
Transcript for their better treatment by the Western powers. There was, in fact, no doubt that our changed attitude toward the Germans was in large part clue to fear of Soviet Russia, In view of their experience during the period when Americans still retained their affection for "Uncle Joe," it is not to be wondered at if today many Germans greatly fear the consequences to themselves of the end of "tensions" between East and West, or "peaceful coexistence." The British and French may be happy when President Eisenhower says tbat in this atomic age "there is no alternative to peace," and that he is prepared to meet the Communists "halfway." But to many Germans these words arouse latent fears that we may make a deal with Russia at their expense, leaving them disarmed and defenseless in a neutral no-man's land. Nor have the Germans failed to realize the implications of our treatment of Chiang Kai-shek. Since America has told her Chinese ally that he must renounce all hope of liberating China as the condition of continued /Vmerican aid and support, how can the Germans believe that we shall ever help them, or permit them, to liberate East Germany? The repercussions in Europe of our China policy are unknown to the American public because most of the correspondents of American news agencies and newspapers abroad consider only British and French appeasement opinion as the voice of Europe. Also, of course, because so many of our foreign corre- sponilents are themselves graduates or adherents of the Lattimore school of thought, which is still predominant in England. TAUGHT BY EXPERIENCE If we are to understand their views, fears and hopes, we must rid ourselves of old prejudices, engendered by wartime propaganda, and realize that Germans are people much like ourselves. They differ from us only in their greater understanding of communism, and of totalitarian methods and aims, thanks to their past experience. In the first place they know far better than we do the terrible compulsions which a totalitarian state, whether Nazi or Communist, uses to keep people subservient and to prevent rebellion. Secondly, owing to their experience as soldiers and as prisoners of war in Russia; or because of the terrible treatment they received al the hands of the Red Army in Eastern Germany and Berlin; or because of the sufferings of their relatives and friends in the East German People's Republic, the German people know better than anyone else on our side of the Iron Curtain —excepting only the Americans taken prisoner by the Communists in Korea— what it means to be at the mercy of the Communists. But precisely because they The capitals of East and West Germany are only 400 miles apart, but much farther apart in their thinking and activities. East Germany's "Little Kremlin" at Pankow (top) where no vehicles or persons may enter without going past barrier and the building (arrow! shown. West Germany's capital, Palais Schaumburg in Bonn (below) is the official seat of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. know so much better than we do what Communist conquest means, they fear the consequences of appeasement more. The Germans also know what it lakes to fight Russia. They cannot be kidded into believing that twelve divisions of German troops, severely restricted to arms and weapons, can turn NATO into a real, defensive force. They know that only the unrestricted use of all the power which the West possesses, actually or potentially, including atomic and hydrogen bombs, can defeat the Communist empire in Europe and Asia. They also know that the Paris agreement of last summer, far from establishing a viable European defense system, ensured that Europe, ami in particular Germany, should not raise and equip sufficient forces to defend themselves against the Soviet power. According to the text of the "Brussels Treaty Organization," subsequently called "Western European Union," and ratified as part of the Paris Accords, ils signatories promise that no one of them will ever exceed the low level of armies and armaments agreed upon. The "functions of the agency," as laid down in paragraphs one to twelve, are entirely negative. Instead of insisting that all the members of the Western alliance fulfill their defense obligations, these twelve paragraphs are designed to ensure that "the prohibition of the manufacture" of certain types of armaments is being observed ; to control the level of stocks "of other permissible armaments"; and to make sure that "those forces remaining under national control" shall not have stocks of arms larger than necessary for their "size and mission." Nor is this all. The worst provision of the Paris Accords is one which repeals the major weakness of the United Nations; namely, the veto power given to any one member to enable it to defeat the main purpose of the organization. It provides that: "The maximum defense contribution to NATO of all members of the Brussels Treaty Organization will be determined by a special agreemenl ii icing levels which can only be increased by unanimous consent." (Emphasis supplied). Thus, France, or any other member country where "neutralist" or appeasement sentiment is strong. is put in a position to prevent any increase in European armament which might "provoke" the Soviet Union. The Paris Accords in fact appear to have been designed with a view to "containing" Germany rather than the Soviet Empire. It is impossible to contain Germany while using her to contain Russia. However much we may dislike the prospect, it is a fact that Europe cannot be united, or defended by its own forces, without the Germans becoming the paramount power. They are the only people on thc continent of Europe capable of playing the leading role which France considers to be hers by right, but which she is incapable of performing. In the military as in the economic sphere the Germans are bound to be superior to France in a united Europe. This is, of course, whv the Germans are for, and the French against, the creation of a united Europe without customs barriers, import quotas, and other hindrances to trade. Germany has received far less material aid from us than most other nations on our side. They have paid more in occupation costs than tbe three billion dollars they have received from us. The "miracle of German recovery" is in fact mainly clue to their own efforts. At present the "dollar gap" caused by their need to import grain from the Western Hemisphere, to make up for the loss of their Eastern "bread basket" is met by our offshore purchase of about 240 million dollars a year. So long as they continue to be able to earn their living by bard work, and expanding exports, they will almost certainly continue to support Dr. Adenauer's policies, whatever their misgivings on the score of their future security. Since the Germans are far better disposed toward us than France, and since the Bonn government is indisputably loyal to America, logic and commor. sense have been pushing the United States into a closer relationship wilh our former enemies, in spite of the influence of our Francophils. But we are still failing to face up to the realities of the situation. Instead of helping the pro-American and democratic forces in Germanv lo Pag* 22 FACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955
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