my view at
e law is dif-
,f the Presi-
le. or in the
(MADIGAN) : Can we now trust Russia, in your opinion?
No, no, I don't think we can. I think lhe Russian objectives
have nol changed one iola; their objectives arc slill fundamentally world communism—to communize lhe world. I
think llicy are in a period in which they use blandishments
and put on their besl and most friendly face. My own per-
scineil view is that they are playing for lime and not necessarily playing for a genuine peaceful settlement of world
tensions, but bv tlle same token, perhaps the lime which may
be obtained here by these mutual discussions may also work
to our benefit. 11 mav. in thc long run. work more toward
peace than against it.
(DOHERTY): Senator, to get back lo President Eisenhower's disarmament proposal. Even though you claim
this could be done by tbe President under bis authority
as Commander-in-Chief, and through the departments,
can you conceive of his taking an> such dreislic step as
this without consulting Congress?
I think it is very possible that the President may do as he
lias done frequently in thc past—ask for consultation with
lhe Congress and perhaps an expression of their views on
the mailer if. as, and when il ever may come to an agreement.
(DOHERTY) : Ry that. Senator, do you mean having
-elect groups of congressmen of both Houses and both
parties being summoned to the While House and told
what is going to happen?
The President may continue that bipartisan method or he
mighl ask. as he did in connection wilh Thailand and the
Pescadores, the view nr lhe cooperation of the Congress in
the mailer. I don't know whal method he would choose lo
(MADIGAN): Senator, could wc move lo the Ear Easl
for a moment? Almost immediately at the conclusion
of tbe Geneva meeting, the tension throughout tbe
world centered ageiin on the Red China area with some
foreboding that trouble will break oul there. Proposals
have been made that we meet in face-to-f;ice conference
with Red China al the foreign minister level within lhe
next three, four, five, or six months. Would you favor
sucb a meeting?
At this particular moment, unless there were some more
concrete proposal for an honorable and ei reliable peace in
the Far Ea-I. in which the good faith of the Reds had been
demonstrated, I would approach the idea of any such conference wilh misgivings. Al this present moment. 1 can sec
nothing thai could 'ne accomplished excepl something that
is adverse to the free world. In six months or a year from
now. I mighl believe that the climate were sucb lhat we
might approach such a conference.
(MADIGAN): What would be lhe expressions of sin-
e-erily lhat could come from Red C.biiui which would
make you agree? Name Iwo or three things Ihey should
I woulel say among a greal number would lie the release of
lhe wen prisoners which they hold, lhe restitution for the
criminal acts of many kinds which they have performed, the
willingness, by demonstration, to conform to the moral
principles which the free world believes to be sound, the
keeping of agreements, emd all those things.
(MADIGAN)! Do you know if that is the general feeling of the Republiceen leadership ill the Senate?
1 eun on tlle Policy Committee in the Senate and that par-
ticular matter has not been one for serious discussion up
Until this moment.
(MADIGAN) : Would you vigorously oppose it in the
Policy Committee in cei-c il should come up for di —
If il were proposed at this lime to hold a discussion with
'he Red Chinese leaders officially which would be teinta-
uiount to recognition of them. I would not be in favor of
'I because I don'l ihink they have demonstrated their good
(MADIGAN): If Nationalist China were allowed to sit
in on a three-way conversation, would thai change your
viewpoint? Red China, Nationalist China and the United
At this moment. I could nol conceive of anything to be
gained by bringing Red Chinese leaders into a conference
with the Nationalisl Chinese and ourselves. We do not
recognize tin' Red Chinese leaders. It is a bandit government and I am opposed to permitting any group to shoot its
way, for instance, into the United Nations—
(MADIGAN) : Well, what do you suggest we do to force
ibis change of mood and change of tactics on their part?
I don't know that we can force anything. I think the change
in attitude must come from there.
(MADIGAN) : And we have to jusl sit and maintain a
Well, we have lo lake care of our own interests and our
own security, and we have done a great many things in an
attempl In establish peace and security in the world. Un-
fortunalely. we have been met at every turn by lhe hostility
and opposition of Russia and the Red Chinese, and I think
they could well change their attitude in many ways which
would probably give us a little more confidence in their
good faith, and then we could see whether a discussion was
in order or not.
(DOHERTY) : Senator, do you think the Chinese could
do all these things you have suggested without losing
face in tbe Orient?
I don I know. Tbe Orient is a complicated grouping of nations and ideologies and peoples. If they made a substantial
reversal of their position they might lose some supporl
which they now have in thc fringe areas, and I do think
lhal if they made a change in their position internally in
China and gave some freedom inside of China and more
self-determination they would gain favor with the Chinese
(DOHERTY) : You mean if ihey held an election for
If ihey held elections, yes. The same thing applies to the
satellite countries, in the Ralkans and Latvia and Estonia.
(HURLEIGH) : Senator Hickenlooper, would peace with
Russia bring prices and taxes down in this country?
I think if a reliable peace could be assured, wc would have
less money to spend for armaments which would reduce
laves. So far as prices are concerned. I think prices would
remain at a substantial level because of increased demand,
increasing population and the increased need for consumer
(HURLEIGH) : Do you think thai Eisenhower is better
equipped politically to cope witb the present Rig Four
conference than weis Wilson with the Rig Four slates-
men of World War I ?
Well, wilh a great deal of respect for former President
Wilson. I feel that Presidenl Eisenhower is heller equipped
because of lhe years of turmoil and experience which we
have had with this Communisl world-wide conspiracy which
had not been tin' experience prior to lhe close of World
War I. The circumstances are different, but I think the base
of experience is much broader.
(HURLEIGH): What do you think is ihe real reason
why Russia has recently assumed a conciliatory altitude
Internal difficulties, I ihink. are besetting Russia so far as
economy is concerned. I think she is having troubles and I
think the' Russian leadership, at this moment, al leasl. is
playing for time I said a moment ago lhat 1 don'l believe
the Kremlin has changed its fundamental objective of
win I.I communism. They arc merely taking a new lack.
However, the lime which may be gained also mav work to
our advantage because during the interim lhe hearts and
minds of people may be changed somewhat. I hope so.
FACTS FORUM NEWS, October, 1955