live up lo their obligations. We think
this is a very fine record.
Hurleigh: There is no rfonht about il
Senator, thai it is a fine record. Itut, on
this question of thi- new code and the
fact that it has to be established, do yon
think the United State--, as some people
are saying, hy agreeing to an ex posl
facto law at the INeurenhurj; War Crimes
Trials, thus being with lhe Soviet Union
in trying criminals—or trying as criminals prisoners captured during the war
with Nazi Germany, that we are today in
a verv vulnerable position because ot
Thurmond: I don't think so. I think
the Neurenburg trials were on an entirely different theory. There's where a
commander, for instance, mav have ordered a hundred prisoners shot, or he
may have ordered hundreds of prisoners
starved or placed in raves, or committed
other sadist ie and brutal arts which
would not fall at all into this category.
I don't think there is any similarity at
all between them.
Hurleifih; But Senator, we have seen
the pictures and we have had the atrocity
cases as presented by a General whose
name I do not recall at tbe moment, but
it was in the headlines. Tbe General who
brought back lhe report on atrocities,
showed through these pictures that hundreds of South Koreans and some Americans were actually in trenches, had been
shot and half-covered wilh dirt righl
there. This, to me, must be a war crime.
Thurmond: Undoubtedly it was. I'n-
doubtedly there were many WaT crimes,
hut as von know, the Korean War was
brought to a close, ami thc manner in
which thc truce was arrived at did not
meet thc approval of many people. Hut
yet. the truce came. And. as a whole 1
think llie American people approved of
the truce. Hut there, we did nol obtain
total surrender ;.- wc did in World War
Tl. This was a truce so to speak in
fact. 1 presume it's the onlv war in which
this country was ever engaged lhat it
did not win straight out. and. of course,
there is a difference of opinion as to
whether wc should have won it.
Personally, 1 think wc should have
pursued the Communists in Korea
earlier and should have won the war.
Now. after it gol as far as it did. after
President Eisenhower became president,
then as to whether or not it was wise to
make the truce at the time is another
question, and I'm inclined to think possibly that the President acted wisely at
that time. 1 did not agree wilh former
decisions, 1 think wc should have gone
on and defeated the Red Chinese and
North Korean-; earlier in thc war when
^e could have done so. And I think
'hire \s no question about it—we could
nave done so.
Hurleighi Our board of judge- has se-
fected three prize-winning questions siih-
tnJUed by our listeners. "Should SOme-
'■iini: be done, Senator Thurmond, lo
Create a policy wherein victims of torture
"ml brainwashing will be treated as caa-
UaJties of war ami not as traitors?"
Thurmond: I thoroughly agree that
they should not he treated as traitors
and thc policy will he that the Defense
Department will consider the facts of
each case individually, ami 1 am sure
that the amount of coercion will he
considered in each circumstance.
Hurleifih: Now the second question:
"\\ hat group or individual decides lhe
breaking point of a prisoner of war.
Thurmond: The breaking point with
different individuals is altogether different, and this will have to he determined hy the individual man and if
his integrity and his conduct during
war is questioned, then after the war is
oxer this would lie determined by investigation and he would certainly he
given the right to present witnesses, ant!
he given the opportunity to explain
thc circumstances under which he acted.
I f there was coercion, of course, he
would not be punished.
Hurleighi Here is the third question:
"Senator Thurmond, do you believe lhat
a uniform code of conduct should be established for United States civilians who
also may become prisoners of the
Thurmond: This code that has been
established could well be used for civilians. In fact, in this day of nuclear
weapons, when bombs, in the event we
should have a war, could he dropped
in our own country, the very principles
of this code could well be used for
civilians, because we must all feel an
obligation to be patriotic and to help
our country reveal no information that
would assist the enemy or that would
harm our comrades.
Do It Yourself and Do It Better
By Holx-rl W. Johnson
t'.fioirman of the Board, Johnson iV: Johnson
America's great new "do-it-yourself"
movement has become a phenomenal
multi-billion dollar industry. But the
idea, nl course, is nol new. Our forefathers had im plumbers l<> yell for einel
they solved their municipal problems in
a town meeting. They settled llieir disputes anil made their own rules ami
laws on the spot with llieir fellow townspeople—at what we call today llie "grass-
reieeis" level—and it worked. The time-
honored svsiems of house-raising and
volunteer fire departments sprang oul
of a determination lo progress and "put
oul our own fires."
However, as our nation grew in com-
ple\ilv we became prone to call in
"somebody else." We became more and
more accustomed lo letting "George do
it"—and to paying the piper. Even labor
and management slipped into the lazy
habit of letting "George do it" by running lo lhe government for decisions on
picayune differences. For instance, actually there are no problems of capital,
leilior and management ilieet are incapable
of solution. There are onlv incapable,
impatient or unwilling capitalists, labor
leaders, or management representatives.
ONLY DISCORD MAKES THE HEADLINES
Only the discordant elements make
the headlines and bring strife into public view, whereas the tens of millions of
Americans who work in harmony with
one another each day are usually ignored by the press and the Congress.
These million- have succeeded in working onl llieir problems and relations at
ihe local level. They have done ii themselves. But the few incompetent or petu-
Iei nt lines who have given up this effort
an- the ones who influence legislation.
anel Ihis very legislation frequently results in limiting lhe freedom of thc majority.
lt has often been said that you cannot legislate morality, and people have
pointed to the Volstead Act to prove it.
If this is true, it is equally true lhat
business morals and ethics do not lend
themselves readily lo legislation. So
when government fails to cure an ill or
sharp practice, large or small, it can
lead to et social revolution like the do-it-
yourself crusade. John Doe is now demonstrating lhal if prices are too high, he
can and will do it himself. So if TV repairmen, automobile overhaulers. plasterers, electricians, plumbers, carpenters
and painters hike llieir talis beyond the
reach of the average householder, the
net result will lie to make handymen out
of millions of amateurs.
Thus the trend to Big Government
and big unions as a solution for local
problems may prove to be self-defeating.
The machinery and personnel of these
overloaded organizations are costly to
maintain. Their very existence gives rise
to demagoguery and inspires law-making in favor of discordant minorities.
This is not only a vole-gelling technique.
It's also a way to grab more money out
of the taxpayer and duespayer's pocket.
Perhaps in the future ibis new generation of Americans will look less to Congress lo solve social and wage problems, and will find the patience anil the
courage to do it themselves—do it locally—do it wilh justice—do it far less
expensively—and do it better.
FAl TS FORI M NKWS. November, 1955