over an apparently impossible dilemma,
let him cast the first stone.
Many Americans cannot see why
Chambers can lie fairly accused of exaggeration. What he says about the influence of Hiss and communism is nol
in terms of genera] statements, bul t In -
naming of particular persons at particular times in particular places. This description of "Washington before and
during the war was run by Communists
and fellow-travellers" which appeared to
the English reviewer as exaggeration
and as "useful to the McCarthy-ites" is
not tossed aside in the U.S.A. There' is
considerable difference of opinion aboul
McCarthy and his tactics; bul even his
worsl critics have to admit that he is
nol always wrong. Americans believe
thai there »eis (and probably isi a powerful Communisl conspiracy and thai ii
penetrated quite deeply into American
government and life.
i .'i i Vmericans have learned thai nol
•ill Coi mists are "queer;" and thai il
may have appeal even for the mo-i able
and idealistic of our young people.
The revelations of the informers have
given the \mericans a new idea of what
a Communist is like. For over a third of
a cenlun ever since I first came to
know Communists and communism in
Siberia in 1918, I have- stated now and
then in public addresses that the fight
against communism would be easier if
we could recognize our enemy. If only
every Communisl were to wear a tall fur
cap, a black beard, a sheepskin coat, a
smock, carry a gun in each hand, hand
grenades in his belt and a knife in his
teeth, then you would know whom you
had to fight. Hut the Communists I mel
in Siberia were mostly quiel people'.
scholarly, with strong sympathy for the
Underdog and a quiet resolve to do somc-
thing about it.
The Chambers and Bentlej I k- elo-
-'lilie- Communists "I such a type. The
English review refers to Chambers as
"ne of those men whose "temperament
desires a cause to which they can wholly
sul'inil themselves" anil seems to imply
•hat sue li i- em unusual human trait.
But ii is nol unusual; il is almost universal. T" desire I" give one's life to a
cause i-. I ibink. the distinctive mark of
Chambers and Bentley joined the
Communisl movemenl precisely because
Its purpose' vva- one to which eeieli I"
"'iiii In could "holly subscribe, and be-
'niisi' its program seemed practical and
'" call for llieir full participation; even
'""re-, for llieir complete dedication,
•hey seemed to go into it for the same
•easons thai one would enter the minis-
lr* or leaching en the missionary field.
lhe Chambers and Bentley stories
'fiould be interesting to all educational
Jdministrators. They should cause them
"irienisly to think; for after all they
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were students or pupils nol so long ago.
Judging upon the basis of sheer native
ability alone', il is obvious lhat Chambers and Bentley were students of great
promise. Chambers, without influence,
rose to the top of the editorial ladder.
Bentley later revealed great administrative abilily in her operation "I an inlri-
i eeie- Communist apparatus. Yet despite
their ability, both made great mistakes
when they were students; and it is a great
tragedy that their educational expe-
rience did not help them at that time to
foresee their errors and that they were
nol allien led to a life of devotion to
American ideals. Obviously, so far as
these two were concerned, communism
offered a more attractive emd practical
program for social betterment.
Our schools and colleges and universities will be recreant In their duly, will
fail I" play the part in the defense "I
freedom that the American | pie de-
ineinil. if young people of great abilily
continue to be so easilv seduced, if we
fail to attract them and command their
consecration to the defense and furtherance of our ideals.
That is why I think our Citizenship
Education Project and other similar
projects are so important and deserve
our fullest support.
To conclude, the einalvsis vve bene ju-t
made, in general, supporls the American
side ni this controversy.
The Communist threat is too dangei
mis to be ignored. At Teachers College
I well remember two occasions jusl
after World War II when we consulted
H ilh Jem Masaryk and heard a lecture by
the then ambassador from Czechoslo-
\eikiei lo Washington. Each expressed im
leu of communism, stated ilmi his coun-
ii\ could live happil) between the two
greal powers eiml could well interpret
lhe one lo the oilier. Czech liberty, they
thought, was iii no danger of extinction.
Yel il was only a short time until the
crushed body of Jan Masaryk lay beneath his window and the ambassador
languished in exile, far from the country which had been hetraved by enemies
Europeans run grave dangers when
they underestimate the Communist
threat. They run even greater dangers
when they permit their schools to remain neutral regarding a question of life
The above analysis supports the Amer-
ii.ui decision that schools must take
definite action with regard to communism. Schools cannot remain neutral
when it comes to the question of liberty
13 tyranny, any more than they can re-
fuse to take sides on questions of right
and wrong. The American school administrator and the college president will
fail in his duty if he ignores education
Im citizenship and refuses to give ii
everj encouragement emd support. No
future student should be condemned to
attend a school or college which makes
no conscious effort to capture the enthusiasm and idealism of the young and
offers no program capable of enlisting
his willingness to serve. This analysis
puis proper education for American
citizenship at the top of the list in our
program of studies.
When American schools and colleges
have strong programs of citizenship education: when lhe teachers have developed high skill in presenting such instruction and in guiding such activities;
when materials of instruction will have
been well prepared and widely available; when pupils take advantage of
-inh opportunities; then the negative
side of anti-CommunisI activities ma)
assume lesser importance. There will ob-
viousl) be far less need for teachers'
oaths, Communist-banning, textbook inquiries, when pupils and teachers ein- engaged in powerful programs of Americanism. The more positive teaching, the
less need for restrictive measures.
We are in a cold war that may con
tinue for a long time. In modern war we
cannot leave the fighting to hired mercenaries, nor to professional warriors.
In total weir, every person, every institution must ilo il- pari. Education can-
n"i remain aloof.
Oliver Cromwell once ga\e' ei defini-
liein of his ideal soldier. Hi' said, "I had
rather have a plain russet-coated cap-
lain that knows whal be fights for and
|o\e'- whal he knows, than that which
you i all a gentleman and nothing else."
That is what the free people of the world
need in this modern, total war in which
we are all engaged; Citizens who know
what they fight for and love what ihc\
l.ntiu . What th, v llgbl feer thev learn in
school. What thej love they gain in
school. Clad in such shining armor,
neither they nor we need fear any foe.
r'AC'I'S M Mil \l NKWS, September. 1955