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Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 1956
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 1956 - File 069. 1956-09. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. May 27, 2019. https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/279/show/278.

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Facts Forum. (1956-09). Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 1956 - File 069. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/279/show/278

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 1956 - File 069, 1956-09, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed May 27, 2019, https://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/279/show/278.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 9, September 1956
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date September 1956
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 5 1956; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries
  • Facts Forum News
Rights No Copyright - United States: This item is in the public domain in the United States and may be used freely in the United States. The item may not be in the public domain under the copyright laws of other countries.
Item Description
Title File 069
Transcript Chairman, House Committee on Un-American Activities Condensation of The Great Pretense A Symposium on Anti-Stalinism Prepared and Released by the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives SCHOOL OF DARKNESS by BELLA V. DODD Editor's Mail BaAket Communism Defined You nl<l\ be interested in mv definition of c:ommu;1ism. . Communism is a \lan-inspircd, \l os­c: o\\·-directcd. intc•rnational c:onspirac) of hl\\ less m<'n ag.1inst civilization, basc•d on a Cod-denying philosoph) of life, sus­tained In faith in th<' dialectic. backc·d In thC' d~rntion of fa11atical believers and tl;e might of the Heel armies. A Pat on the Head J \\ll:S D. B \LES BihlC' Dcpartment I larding College• Sc•atT) , \ rLmsas \\"hc•nc•\c•r a fricnd disturbed b) the pc-rils e11dangC'ring our nation says, "But "hat ean I do about it? .. I anS\\-C'r, "Thc first thing )Oil t«lll do is add )Oursclf to the group of "C'll-111forl!1C'd, sound-think­ing, and so11nd-tall..ing .tlC'rt patriots. A11y­thing you do m11st start with your being i11formcd. lk,1d doc1nn<'nt<'d material from rcliablc sourc:c•s. CC't the facts." The article, "\\'hat's the I lul l.tballoo \bout \!c-ntal Il C'alth~·· (Jul) issuC' ), is a good C'\amplC' of eomprehe11sivC' factual prese11tatio11 of a subjc·c:t. 111 this piece the "\\ho, "hc•n , "hC'rc', "hat" of good rc­porting is augmc•ntC'd h) bac:l..ground matc•rial. projection into future• <'ffC'c:ts. a11d <I masterful corrcbtion of <'H'llls. all this plus a flair for i11tcrcsti11g prcsc11ta­tion for good measure. If rcprints of "\\'hat's the ITullahalloo ,\bout \lc>ntal I lcalth?" 0 arC' avail.tbk, please send me copies to mail to friends. LOH\"I·: 0\KES 3(.) 1.)-.\ Buena \"isl<l St. J),1llas I. Te\as [ 0 f.D."S 'OTI· It i' n•).!rdkd th.lt rC>prints of this article a.re not ;l\,lil.1hl<• to d.1tt·.] " Of, By, and For" Attributed To Webster l h<t\'l' read \\ith interest thc June issue of Facts L'ort1111 .\'eu;s, <t11d particularly the article entitled, " Int erposition." The three views of those who arc• for, those "ho arc ag<tinst, and the moder<tlcs, arc "ell presented and summarized in the article. Tod<l\, most of us are so busy "ith our rc~pectiH' cbily activities that it seems "<'ll-11igh impossible to find tinw to do am f1111dame11t.tl n·ading - so far as the f;111d.1111ent.tls of our government arC' c:o11ec'rnc•cl. I do not know \\ lwthc•1 this is true• of editors. In any C\'t•nt. if you h<tH'n't had time to re-read \\'ebstc•r's rc•pl) to I !.tync• \\ ithin rc•cent ) C'ars, l "·cnild like to he• presumptuous enough to suggest that you dc·,·otc a leisurely and dC'iightful CH'11i11g rc'-rcadi11g "hat is pcrhaps the greatcst spcC'c:h C'VC'r deliv­c ·rcd in America. Jt is an amazing!) up­to- date a11alysis of many of the principles i11,·oh c•d in our present da) problcms - particular!) thc problem of inlC'rposition. It is lil..C'\\ isC' a pO\\C'rful rc•mindcr that in our dC'mocracy all po" er resides in the pC'oplC' and not in ft'dC'ral or evc•n state gmc·rnmc·nts. 111cickntally, it is i11tercst­i11g to ohs<'rve that \\"pbster e111111ciatcd tlw "trinit) ·· in our gm·crnment 3.) years before Li11c:ol11's Gettysburg \ddress. Fm ll B. 111 L\IS Jl C'lms & \lulliss i\ttonH'\ s at Lt\\ 3:!0-.)2-f La" Building Charlotte' 2. '\orth Carolina Reading the Score on Foreign Aid \\' hatc•n•r action \\C' tal..C'. \\C' C'\PC'C'l certain results. 111 spPnding .').') billions of l<l\p<tyers' monc·y 011 foreign-aid give­< l\\ <l). \\ c· C'\pected to promote f riC'11ds and hind Pr communism. I lave" e or hm·c "C' not promoted thosc ends? Comp<'t('11l authorities have rcportcd that \\C' have fc\\t'r friends in countri<'s O\'t•r "hich these vast sums havC' bc•en scattc·rcd, than \\C' had before, and any obsc•n·c•r can sec for himsclf that commu­nism has advanct'cl apace. Take Franc<' and Jtalv for instancC', \\ hC're "e han' spent e;1ormous sums. I IC're in sonw places \\C' find signs postC'd ".\mc•ricans Co 1 lomc." .\ s to communism in thPsc t"·o countriC's, thcy havC' gai11C'd strC'ngth ) C'ar h) ) C'ar in thc·ir lc·gis latnr<'s until tod;n the•, ;trc• a rc•al menace to the go,·c•rnme;tts. :\l so, co11sickr YugosJa,·ia into "hic:h "c· han• pourcd .011C' billion seven h1111drPcl millions of taxpayers' money just \\h,tt hencfit have "e r<'­c ·C'ived from that t'\JW11dit111c, with Tito hac:I.. in the• arms of Hussia? '\o" , l may stril..(' an unpopular note her<' and l ma) be \\Tong, hci11g human, but I ea1111,>t rc•sist vi<ualizing this $.).) billion hC'i11g spent in our O\\ n coun­trv. \ side and in addition to vast i11lC'r- 11,;I impron·11H•11ts, it could fortif) and protC'ct us b) air, land. and SC'a to s11d1 an ('\l<'11t that it \\Oulcl not t><t) for all\ cm·m) to attack us. \\'e \\Ould thus han· the protl'c:tio11 "hich \\'C' paid for a1 did not gt'l under thC' givc'a\\ a) progr.u If \\(' ha,·c• to kccp on giving •l"• money , IC'l's give it to our 11e\t-dc neighbor, Latin ,\nwric:a. BPing 11C'iC hors, they "ould be till' logical 011PS look to for help if "<' C'\'C'r llC'C'dC'd i The> also arc nwnacC'd h) communism. S. :\!. :\! ,,,., \l.D. I 0 East Fifth Stred National City, Califon What Might Have Been Communism in Yugoslavia, .hill India, France· or Hussia is the• samC'. It out to dC'slrcl\ a ll the' frC'C'dom that 111 rC'mai11s in this "·oriel, ours included. 1 lc·rC' arc• a f('\\ items that \\C' cot• ha,·c• had for the billions or mor<' 11 squandc·rC'cl 011 Comrade• Tito: fi\'C' 111 lion families cou ld have• had a IH'\\ r: or C'kctric stovC' oftcn haclh nC'C'd<'d: half-million st11clC' 11ls could 0 havp had collC'g<' education, an c•clueatio11 that till' young people could not gt'l for J,1c of mo11t'\ ; ll"o thousand schools of a h,,U million ~ach could havC' bC'C'n built. \\ need 11c•w schools dC'speratC'i); l\IO "' lio11 IPadlC'rs could have• had <Ill i11cr<'" of $.)00.00 per ) car, oftC'n the• cliff Pr<'" bC'l\\t't'll sla) ing in tlw lC'aehing prof• sion or going else'" here. \\ 'hc•n \Oil aid the Communist Yugoslavia". you aid the causC' of co111111 nism in Russia. I S. C. So111.'"' 41 \\'. Erie St. PaillC'S\'i llC', oli Alternative for Income Tax? Co11grat11l.itio11s 011 article' in Jul) iss•~ " \\' ill lnconw Tasc·s DC'stroy Capit.ilisr11 \\'ith the first portion of thc article han• 110 commc·nts othcr than it spe111s hC' fair and truthful. \\'ith thC' sC'concl I"~ arg1111w11ts of those "ho fC'd that 1 i11c·omc· tax is the• most equitable 111l'~ of .1c:n11111 rlati11g rt'\ C'1111c' to me it Ji som(' truths, hut most!~ half-truths •1' out right false statemC'11t~. . To bC'gin "ith it is statcd: "l':li1!1111 lion of tht' income' tax \\'Ould fore<' \ fcderal go\'C'rn11w11t out of b11si11C'ss." 'f' is an 1111lrnC' gc·11cra lizatio11. It eouid. '11 I thi11l.. should, forc:C' eurtaihne11t of ft t•ra l g(J\"('rlllll('lll. '\!'\l llH' slal<'me11t is mack: " \lt rr•'. li\'C'S \\'Ollld he· gi;Ult i11cr<'<IS('S ill <4 , (Cmithwcd cm 1u1J!.t' IN Selectic Fa ·c A Is ST T1 K1 Fluon1 !111,; Pn lntervi !1u: Sl Con den Boo!( R V11 Soi An noun S£lll'q 'lk,.os °f\' A'\o Co\Tt:s IV,,,," Co,,,, Poll ~ Poll R S1.<Jc" Fo p~ paid for a1 \\·;1~ prop:r1.t1 giving a" >ur next-clo1:I Being nd~~ 1gical ones er needed 1 ommunism. '· ~ !. D. th Stred it), Califon a\·ia, Chin lw same. It lom that 1J1 ncluded. ~at \\(' COl" or more \\ 'ito: fin• 111 ,c1 a n<'" , I ih llC'Cdcd. 0 hav(• h,1d 1 io11 that tht" 1 gd for ,,,c ools of a h.tl \ ·en built. \I c•ly; two 111 d an i11crt·1 the diffcrcl> ching prof• ommunist se of con1111 -:. So1n:"sr' I \\'. Eric St. l('SVilic, Qh Tax? in Jnl) iss11 Capit,11is11 the article t tn it sccn1s ,(' second !\ feel th•1t t 1it,1blc nll"' to me itl df-truths '1 •d: "Elinii11 uld for~~· 1t I \ISIJl('SS. 'f It ('Ollld. ·'J I lnwnt of ft I dt·: .. \ 1tcr• lS<'S ill ('\c~· ·d IHI JHif!l IN TH IS Volume 5 Number 9 September 1956 Selections from TIIE GHEA T PHETE:\SE Fom;wono, Cong. Francis E. \\'alter . 2 o SOFT,t:ss " THE Kin. s11.", 1~11gc111• Lyons . ,'j A TALK wn11 VonosrnLO\, \Vi/limn C. JJ11llitt 6 7 8 9 Is STAL11•is Rt'SSIA WE.\KL"I'G? Whittaker Chambers STAL"1sx1 CoNTll\'UES, George /Hca11y . Tim Lt nE OF PEACEFUL CoLx1sTE,CE, A11tlu111y T. Bouscaren . K111n·s11c11Ev CoP1Es ST \LI'1, Lo11is J311de11;:; 10 11 14 16 18 23 Ftl;OR!DAT!O!\:? . . . . . . . l'iU; Pnl\mOsE P·\Tll, \V. G. Vollmer . . . . . . . . . . . . lntervi('w of T11EODOHE C. Snu:11n:nT, Director of U. S. Information Agenc) l'iU; St.PHL'IE COl nT UxDEn FmE Condensation of Sc1100L OF D"u"LSS, Bella V. Dodd llooK R1·v11:ws: V10L1'T Tnn:E, E. IT. llittchison . Soc"L SEc:t'IUTY - FACT ''D F\'\'CY, Dillard Stokes l\nnounc('m('nt of F \ CTS Fonu" '\/ Ews EssA Y CONTEST Stlt1'1c Ot.n SYSTEM, Dr. George S. Benson ' lh:ADs \ V1LL HoLL" . 36 36 37 11 52 .56 60 61 62 63 64 64 64 l'\' A'D H \DIO Sc11EDlJLES Co,.TEsT Rt LES . IV1"""c LETTEHS To TllE En1Tons Co\t\tt:'<IS\t's BoTTLl'D EFF1c11 ,<:,, Upton Sinclair · Form for F \CTS Font \f CoxTESTS Pott Qt'ESTIO's and POLL Qu»STIO' \V1'<XEHS Polt H1:svLTS Fon Jt>LY. St.O{;" Fon T1rn ~l ors:T11 For infomrntion n•μ;ardin).( n•prinl\, 'It'(' p>ll!<' ·16. Photo Crl'dit. Front Co\(•r, Con'(. Fmnch K \V,11tC'r, Harri'! & EwinJ.!, \Vao;hingto.~,. 0. C.; page 5, Et1).!{'llC Lyon'!, co .. mo Silt•o, Inc., ~('W York; J)[l.j.!(' 6. \\ 1lham C:· Bullitt, pagt• 7. \Vhitt.ikn Clrnmlwr'I, pa).(t' 8, C,,•orgc Mca1.w, pa).!<' 1.0'., l.otn'I Budt•nz, \\'kit· \\'orld Photo .. ; Jl.IJ.C<' 16, Tht•odore C. Stn·1hert, Hem I hoto ... l7?J'f'ICJ.\J. PUBLIC \TIO:\ of Fach Fomm,_Inc., 'th hc:k,011 Street, D1dl;1s 1, Tt•xa'i. ]>1~hh\hNI ~ lb 111 th<• int<-n·st-; .of Fact'! l'.orum parhc1pants ~ odt f•n., c..·onc.:·m<•d '"'1th clis1)(·)hnJ.:" puhlic npathy. 'rtt n -cla ~ maihng privilcf.{es nuthori .. (_•d at D.111.11,, · Pnnh·d in U.S .. \. P~~Rll 01· DIHECTOl\S' Hoh••rl 11. Dedman. ~· cij}1; John L .• Dnle, Vicc-Pn·'i1<knt;_ \Vnrn·n ~'1 F >t"rt, Jr., SC'crt.•tary; Joe ,,11,h, ·1 rN'iurt.•r; ·{'Of} ·~tr L.1mlwrth, ~frs. Sm· \lc:Crnry, Hohert !!l.~O~ISOny B0.11\D. Major B. A. Hardey, Chair­~ Siri { 1 Arthur A. Smith, Lloyd E. Skimwr, Din id v"'· II<: ~r, Harry K HoJ:Ci<'r, \Villiam ~. Hlanton, nU 111{'· \. Hm'it'll, Jr .• Mrs. \VnllncC' S1n-nJ:CC', \V. G. ~Ian s·h.Doak \Valk<•r, I•:. E. Mc'f,nillen, C.o\('rllor W~~~:~ 1\~~;;~t ~{ 11{\r(~~d.A: t~;;rtnrd'. \~~~·i~\~:~:1 <'l;,tj1~~ };'1Cts F9HU\1 i! n nntionwide puhlic rduc~­'" tf· t 0.rJCan1 ... l(ion cl<'dicalC'd to ar~m1,ini.: puhhc li<:j 1 ~ currC'nt t·vC'nts nnd stimulntmg indiddu.11 t P.thon in tht• sh11ping of public policy. ~~~S FOR U\1 is nonprofit and non11:utisnn, 11 ~ no 1><>litical cnndichlle or p.lrty. Facts !1-'C· r s Fonu.r 'Ews, Scpte1111Jcr, 1956 Fon11n's nctidties are designed to prC'sent not just one , iew or n contro'e~i;1l issut', hut opposin~ \it•\\'i, hC'lit•,inJt th;\l it is the rii.:ht and the ohli­j.? ation or tht• American propl<• thcm'i<'l\(•<i. ~o team llll tlw facts and c<>mt' to tlwir own <-"<m<.·lll'.;1ons. FACTS FOHU~1 is unalternbly oppos<'d to the Coinmnoht conspiracv. nnd U\(''i t·H•ry mt•;1n<; with­in it<.; power to kt>ep -tlw American p<'ople nwnr<• of tlw danj.?ers of comnninism. SIG,ED ART ICLES np1H·aring in FACTS FOHU\I 1\E\\'S do not 1wC<'ssarily n·prc1,ent the opinion or thl' Nlitors. \!Al\:USCHIPTS submitted to FACTS FOI1U~ l 'E\\"S 1,hould lw accompanied by stamped, st•lr­addrt•' i'i<'d l'll\t•lo1ws. Puhli.,hcr ns.,unw<; no rcspnn- 1,ihility for n•turn of unsolicitC'd m11nu'icripts. SUBSCHIPTIO'.\'" H.\Tl<:S in thr U.S. nnd U.S. pms<"~sions, $1 p('r year, $5 for two y<•ars. nnd S_7 for .') yt'ar'i. All otht•r countriC''i, $4 per yenr. 1 o suh'icrih<', sec pnJtt' 64 . CII.\:\CE OF ADDHE S: St•nd old addre'is (exactly as imprinted on nrnilinl-! lah<'I or you~ (.'()pr of the magazine) and nrw ndclress to FACTS )'"()HUM 'E\VS. Dcpnrtmt.·nt CA. Dallas 1, Texas. Pkase allow three weeks for chan~eO\cr. Don'tMiss ••. II TIE NeKf/6911e OF Facfg Fotum Newg Freedom's Fortress and Chiang Kai-shek J ohn Cnlcl,; e ll, wcll-kn o,;n n e,;•­nHt n a nd uulhor, g h e1' fi rM-ha nd ac­count of ForntOha's re..,i~au n ce to Red China. T his j .., p a rti c ularl) n e ~ s ~ o rth ~ due to ~icl es prc-.u l rumors th a t Red China ~ i ll be admitle cl to the United 'at ions fo ll o~ ing the e l<'cti o n "i in s pile o r the l)rOte~ t h o r the United States a n d de­s pite con gre:-.s io n a l disap1>rova l. Interview of A.D.A.'s Joseph L. Rauh, Jr. Are the America ns for Democratic Action a lig n ed ~ith the Dc1nocratic l'a rt~·? Dof's A.D.A . .ad voca te a n e~ 1najor J>ar l)? \\-ith th t.•se and o ther questio ns as a mnu1nitio n , and Jo ... eph L. 11. a uh, Jr., Nat ion a l Ch a irman o f the Ameri­ca ns for Dem0<.·ru ti (' Acti o n, a~ target, a team o f sh arp-sh ooting n e ~ @ nte n pinpoint the a iJns and p ur poses of 1hc A.D.A. Pro and Con on Status of Forces Treaty Co n g rc~o1;; 111 a n Frunk T. Bow ( R­Oliio) cle n oun(·e., th t.• t r{'U t) ~hi le Co n g rcs~ m a n J am<'Pl P. S. Dc\C'reux ( R -M ar~ lnnd ) dcfrn<ls it. An engag­in g ba tlle o f w ord ~ i., <' ll <"onntcred in their conflictin g o p in ions. Do Vets Need a New Pension Law? Cre diting and di .,crediting the n eed for a dditio n a l H~ t cran s' be n <" fi ts are t~ o of the foremo.,t a uth orilies on thi1' subject. Mr. T. 0 . Kraabd, Direc tor of Nation a l Re h a b ilitation Dt.~ partm e nt o f th e Ame r i('an Lt"gio n , urges the adoption o f th t" Ame ri <·an Legion· ~ p o n so red " 'ar Vc t f' ran ~ Sccurily Bill. Co n g r ess 1n n n Olin T en ~u e ( D­Texas), a \ Ctcran n ncl n1c1nbe r of the Ho use Vcr e ran Affair.., Committee, oppo;;;es th i l c~hi l a tion . F a(' t i;i nre the reagent u . in cla r ir) ing this cloud­e d issu e . Pa~e 1 • I SELECTIONS FROM <great A Symposium on Anti-Stalinism and the 201 Con g res of the So vie t Communist Pal'I~ published by the Committee on Un-America Activities of the U. S. House of Representathf" Cf'reten"e Ma ny o f the writ e rs who eontrihute,l it11 vidua l artides to this symposium ai·e fa111ili with the inner workings of the oviet 11iP ';Joreword and internation a l communism. Ch a irmatl' the Committee, Franc is E. Wa lte r , po int! the fact that "while [the thirty-nine contri~ tors] vary in a pproach and e mph a~ i s, th• agree, without exee 1>tion , that the ulti1!1• importance o f anti-Stalinism will de rive ~r ,I,\ , kew pie from the dis position made of Joseph ~ to 11 Po ' 0••terc1 " "csl· •er plan but from the reaction to it by the " l to try tc the ~ur; H11ssia raise c~r By FRANCIS E. WALTER , Chairman rif freed 'lice of l'he j 'Whe n hour~eoi s diploma ts ar e pre pa ring for wa r they he~in to shout m o r e stron~ly ahout " peace" \~ti vi ti 9 "friendly r e la tions." If a n y Foreign Ministe r begins to d efend to the death the " 11eaee confe r ence," you rl h e sure " his ~ovcrnment" has a lready placed its orde rs for new dreadnau~hts and airplanes. ,\ d i1>lo•1 '. 9 • words must have no r e la tion to aetion - o the rwise what kind of diplomacy is it? Words a re one th'~ actions anothe r. Good words a re a mask for the con<'ealmenl o f had deeds. Sin C'ere diplomacy is no 1110 ' possihle than dry water or iron wood . - JOSEPH ST \LIN, Elections in Peter sburg. il<)sinrn leqnat1 "Ilion ol fro i11 the lhe con the rnan ~na the 1rects THE campaign of anti-Stali~ism proclaimed by '\ikita Khrnsh­chev at the recent 20th Con~ress of the Soviet Communist Partv has shaped itself into what may emc~gc as the most formidable challenge ever presented to the West by the Kremlin. The spectacle of J oscph Stalin's posthumous purge is all the more dan­gerous because of the confusion and deception which it engenders. At once, it reflects both the strength and the weakness of the present Soviet svstem; the mounting confidence of the Soviet rulers who have succeeded Page 2 Stalin and their concern with the \'arietv of stresses which have resulted in th~ latest and most remarkable of the man\' convolutions of Soviet policy. · The parado\ at tlw heart of the anti-Stalinist campaign is best sym­bolized, pC'rliaps, by the giant tomb of Stalin and Lenin on \loscow's famed Red Square. Inside it lies the body of Joseph Stalin enshrined as a demigod of Sod(•t communism. Outside it, un­leashed bv the verv men he raised to power, n;gc denu~ciations of him as a madman guilty of the most horrcn- ~iais ~f' dous crimes that historv has ~ have s(• known. Tlw giant pile · of r11;11 ~s at c commandin~ the walls of the J'f' 'P llortar Jin docs more than honor the I' th ll<lrat~ heroes of communism. It stands I I 'hell'lseh memorial to the vast empire ,,· i e So\1 Stalin created and to the equall' ' it'~1lifi<'cl apparatus of power which his siif' ~~ >y re~ sors arc perpt'tuating at the verY ~ 11 te or l they revile the man from whorll 1 •p'nstru1 in lwri tcd it. . "'irroac1 The dcsanctiflcation of St;1ht1 bl) ho11t understandably stimulated a ftif' ~1.llorta1 debate about its causes and it> l Joe not tents. The free world has good rr Sc·ph l J.' FACTS Fonl'\r N1ws, Septcml1cr, J ~c."ts F. er, poin t ~ ine eontril1 1phasis, th' t:bove) Georgi Malenkov, former Premier of the ulti lll 111 ~ia, strikes a Napoleonic pose upon his arrival II derive p ii. ~ndon last March. This is quite a contrast to I' ,: °''P•e doll smile he ga•e to all females 1>se1lh , ID 11 Po <ountered during his three-week tour of Brit1Sh •er pl t r the ~·rd· an" I :~try to ascertain the significance of ~·e current developments in Soviet •_issia, for the questions which thcv ~ .. \ . ~r e contain the key to the great issue freedom or enslavement, the es- 1(-n',.'n o f t Iw atomi.c age. "peaee" B \ 1'he ommittec on Un-American r ,:tivitics has organized this sym-ce, "''you ,,,,:-; 1 d •tun in an endeavor to provide an A di1llo111 ' '°t111atc e'\planation of, and an incli­ ·e one tbi~ Ir •on of, what the world may C'\[Wcl , is 110 11101 Ihm tlw Soviet Union's new course. th .e contributors arc specialists in all an~ many aspects of the Soviet nion dire the global conspiracy which it ~ht! cts. Some of them arc former ofll­lia .s of the Sovi<•t govcrnm<•nt and ory has e' u \e sc•c•n hoth Stalin and his succ<'S-le of J'Jl.U lirs at dos<' rangt" Others have hcc•n of the :r-:rr 'PP0 rtant figures in the Communist mor the l'' n1 P.tratus in America. Those• who It st.a nds,, !J"I' ' 11 t·msclvc•s have not participated in 'le S . empire 1 . '•al· ov1et program of conquest arc .e eq1.1.1lh 11 h •ncd to spel~k authoritatiwly on 1ch his so ~- Y reason of clll'ect personal ex[Wl'l- 1 . 11 ·•tc I tie ,·er) 1 I ~ . Or lY long research and study. lt m whoJll ap•nstructivc that while thcv varv in Pr ' · · . "'ith 0ach and .emphasis, they ;~grec, of St;1IJ11 Ill) Otit c•xcept1011, that the ultimate ted a flil" rjvllortance of anti-Stalinism will clc'- s and its 1 )[]se not from the disposition made of is p;ood rr eph Stalin, hut from the reaction 1 ~ ... ptcmbcr, t:fs Fom \C '\1.ws, SqJtemlwr, 19.Sfi (Below) Nikita Khrush­chev, leader of the Soviet Communist Porty, wore the Russian smile while attend­ing o reception during his visit to England last April. lo this by the West. Docs the discnthronement of Stalin signify the abandonment of the Com­munist goal of world revolution? Ts communism beginning a metamor­phosis into a respectable political cn­terpriw? Tla\'C' KhrushcheY, Bulganin, ancl the men who rnk' with them ancl who share the odium for the crimes which the~ now lay upon Stalin sud­denly become men of goocl will, re­nouncing violence and aggression? Stalin's successors would like to hear a chorus of afllrmative answers to these questions, and there arc many who are willing to oblige them. l t is these people, drawn to the supposed ickalism of communism hut rcpellecl hv the excesses of Stalin, that anti­Stalinism stretches forth to embrace. But it is e\ iclent, C\'('11 this early, that, irrespecli\'e of the causes which ma~ han• produced it, anti-Stalinism is hut a political artifice, fraudulent ancl more dangerous than any other pro­duced bv the Kremlin thus far. lf it succeeds: history may some clay re­place the monuments to Stalin with more enduring monunwnts to human gullibility. The significance of anti-Stalinism cannot he clisccrnecl in the specific in- I Above l Soviet Premier Nikolai Bulganin pre­sented this curled lip countenance to the camer11 at luncheon at Birmingham, England, lost April. Bulganin, who had been startled by the photo­flosh, requested a retake which shows his face wreathed in the cherubic smile so familiar to Western audiences. ternal conditions which mav han• precipitated its adoption: a ri,;alry for power within the Kremlin, severe pressures arising from a conflict be­tween the army and the Party, det•p rumblings in the areas incorporated forcibly into the Sm iet political strnc­ture and still aspiring for a rl'turn to indepcnclenc<'. 'one of these in itself, nor all together, pro\'icles a total C\­planation despite the appeal thcv ha\'C to those \\'ho are inclined to ~cgarcl the slightest tremor as presaging th<' disintegration of the SoviC't totali­tarian state. An examination of anti-Stalinism must first take into account the simple truth that, whilc it may he aimC'd against the memory of Joseph Stalin, it is not aimed against his lC'gac\. \\'hile Khrushchev may repudiate Stalin as his political ancestor, h<' has not repudiated Stalin's c·stahlishnwnt of the' \'llSt so,·ict Communist empire which he himself now rules. The basis of Khrushchev's po\\'cr, the basis from whieh he seeks to project ll<'W acl­, ·ancC's against the free "oriel, is Stal­in's Hussia; and the means by which he seeks to accomplish it, arc Stalin's means. As long as this is true, the per- Page 3 pctuation of Stalin's memory or the annihilation of it can be of no real importance. The clue to this is a fact which too many in the free world hm·e too long tried to ignore: Stalin was communism, as Lenin before him was communism, and as Khrushchev, after him, is communism, and all that has been done in their names is com­munism. The purported renunciation of Stal­inism and the proclaimed return to Leninism can be regarded only as a piece of dialectical sleight of hand. Even to speculate about it implies a differentiation that, in reality, does not exist. The Same Pattern Ever since Stalin's accession to power, various observers have debat­ed in all seriousness whether Stalin's program represented a continuation of Lenin's or whether that which Lenin had inaugurated was being cor­rupted by an irrational despot. The disputation is a sterile one. The threads of Stalinism and the threads of Leninism have been woven so tightly together into the fabric of com­munism as the world now knows it that they can be separated only if the entire fabric itself is torn apart. The Soviet and Communist empire which Stalin created stands firmly upon the foundations left to him by Lenin. To speak of a Stalinist "counterrevolu­tion" is to discard historv; the "coun­terrevolution" was Leni~'s seizure of power from the Russian Social Demo­crats and the implantation of dictator­ship upon the Russian people. The development of the Soviet Union since that time has been consistent and continuous. The goal of Lenin, and the goal of Stalin later, was to bring the rest of the world into the orbit of Commu­nist power. The methods which Stalin used to accomplish this were not in­\ Cnted by him, hut only perfected. Stalin's great contributions to the the­orv of communism dealt with the P;olJlems of Leninism. The purges, the famines, the mass oppression of Stalin's reign, were all part of the Leninist program, too. It was Lenin who, at the Second World Congress of the Communist International, formulated the Blueprint for \Vorld Conquest, as William Henry Chamberlin has aptly dcsi.gnat<'d it: a detailed description of Communist ohjPctivcs and the meth­ods for impl<'n1C'nting them. And it was Lenin \\"ho formulated the "colo­nial'' strategv, still followed at this verv moment hv thC' Soviet Union, of striking at the ~ajor \VPstem nations from behind, hy provoking uprisings in Asia, Latin \mC'rica, and Africa. To regard Lrninism as a supposed program of p<'al'<' and Stalinism as one of war "·ou lcl he to blunder into a morass of fatal S[)('Cu!ation. ~either was a program of war or peace in it­self. Thcv utilizPd one or the other as political · <''igencies required. It was Stalin who lik<'cl to pose as the great man of p<•acc• and who, in the course of this impostur<>, justified his pact with TTitlC'r and the Reel Army's inva­sion of Poland and Finland as part of thC' patt<'rn of bringing peace, Soviet stvle, to one nation after another. It w:1s Stalin, too. who introduced the concc•pt of coll<•ctivC' security which gave risC' to the ill-famed popular-front governments of thC' thirties. This was the prototype of the kind of "parlia­m en ta ry democracy" which later brought tllC' nations of Eastern Europe undC'r tlw SO\ i<•t !lC'el and which today Khrushchev is busy reviving. It is Stalin who must }){' crC'clited with the creation, too, of the Communist-led "Partisans of PeacC'" movement which KhrushchC'v is rdurhishing as a colos­sal front organization for gathering in neutralists throughout the world. Alternatives: " Capitulate or Perish" Just as "peacC'ful coexistence" has its origin in Stalin's reign, so, too, the concept of "collecti'C' leadership" rep­resents no inno\'ation. Stalin himseH estahlishC'd collC'ctive government aftC'r the clC'ath of Lenin as the first step in his consoliclation of power. With his liquidation of the men with whom 11C' shared power, the device quickly lwcam<' obsokte. To di!Terentiate Leninism and Stal­inism is to obscme the essence and substance of communism itself: the dC'nial of Goel ancl the manifold values by which m('n must live if they are to remain civilizC'd. The evil of commu­nism docs not dep<'nd upon the man, or the men, who rnle in its name. By its very character it is capable only of brC'eding fmthl'r <''ii, regardless of ,d10 occupies th<' throne'. \Vhcn the verbiage is swept aw Khrushchc\. can be seen to offer t same alternatives that the Kremlin h always offered - capih1late or peri> His purposes are not to abandon t policies of Stalin hut only to eff< tllC'm better, ancl to extend thC' achir1 ments of Stalin still further. To do th it is necessary to replace the crudent of the Stalin era with craft and suhtl ty, to transform its wintry climate in sunnv blandishments. Kl;rushchcv alrcadv claims the ri~ to speak for a majority of the worl population. Should one more count!' fall under his sway, that right will incontestable. This is the great clan of the sweet reasonableness of an Stalinism. For there are many arno this country's allies - and many wit in this country itself - whose sy!' pathies, consciously or unconsciot1 r rest with the Soviet Union and t humanitarianism to which it preten1 Performance .. • Fantasies on the Kremlin Stage It is Khrushchev's hope that t audiC'nce of the free worlcl in its JoI1 ing for an encl to the threat of war 11 accept whatever fantasies are ennct< on the Kremlin stage, and that it '\ forget that in the wings, committed the service of Soviet peace, the 111~ tary might of the Soviet Union mains intact. Interpreting the meaning of Khn'.; chev's statements properly reqll1 perhaps a kind of simultaneous-tr•111 lation machine. What comes thrO~ when the heaclphones arc attache<• the truC' crv resounding in the Kr Jin: "Th<' Vozhd is dead. Long )ive ~ Vozhd. Stalinism is purged; Stalin1 ~ C'nclurC's." If we fail to heed that c Stalin, purged, will have won a vie!<' greater than any which he cons11r mate>d as Russia's master. The Committee on Un-ArneriC Activities wishes to thank the contfl utors to this symposium for td splcndicl efforts to crC'ate an u!l standing of the Soviet Union's ~ policy. It is the hope of the corn1111 11 that their analyses may aid in CS lishing an elfective prograrn 11 which to countervail the dange~'1 anti-Stalinism - and in mainta111 ~·cason and vigilance in tha_t di~1i1;, 111g part of thC' worlcl that 1s still I FRO rev whi goc B '1'111,; <tgains Psyche ~es tun \\'e rn line f that t} tarily one d< at hon \\!hat I The lllunis1 Frolll i Jlandir less se by fon ~ts 11lti Ion. b 1'hei l'en 1 thing! Comm IChrusl Ing ta ll~t on th' Pre 1\c:rs swept aw 1 to offer t ~Kremli n ate or peri1 abandon t nly to clfe .I the achie1 . r. To do th the crudcn ft and suhtk r climate i11 1ims the ri<'i~ 1f the world more coun right will great d:1nl!l ness of an~ many arno :I many will whos~ s)11' nconsciou~r 1ion and t hit prcten• 1n Stage )pc that Id in its Ion at of war 11 s arc enactr cl that it 11 committed~ ace, the J111 et Union r, ng of Khr1'.~ rrly requ11 :an.eous-tr•1~ )mes thr011 ·c attached in the J{r Long Jive~ ,• ed·' Stalinc''" iced that won a v·i etor 1 he cons11 Un-ArneriC k the cont!' 1rn for t te an und• Union's 11 ·~ :he corn!I11 aid in est'. rograrn 11 ie dange~'1 1 maintn1P. that din11·11 1· / at is still 11 I FROM 'Lite ~reat Cf'reten~e "Khrushchev and company are revamping tactics and slogans, while standing pat on strategy and goals." No Softness 1• n the Kremlin By EUGENE LYONS l'ui:; free world must be on guard '%tinst being confused, di\'ided, and Psychologically disarmed b\' recent ~csti1res of moderation in th1:Kremlin 1.1'c must avoid mistaking a chant(!' of t;nc for a change of heart. The fact 1•1t the lkd dictatorship will tempo­rarily have several heads imt!•ad of One doesn't make it any less des1iotic at J • w] !Orne or any less of a menace to iat remains of the free world. The high command of world com­( 11nism has not retreated one inch ro111 its immediate ohjecti\'!' of 1•\- IP.tnding its Hed cmriire - bv blond-hes s sei. zure of power "here ·p ossible, . Y force and violence else\\here - or '.ls liltimatc objective of world dornin­lon. JI 1'hcsc fhed commitments haw not ('e ti l1. n renounced or reduced hv. any- C ng said at the 20th Congress of the l(~1llmunist Party of the So\'iet Union. 1 1rushchcv and company are n•1·amp­p:~ tactics and slogans, while standing the on strategy and goals. l f anything, Proceedings of the congress rcv(•al FAe· rs· F OHL\! 'n1·s, Septc111bcr, J.9.~) 6 Eugene Lyons served from 1928 to 1934 as United Press corre­spondent in Moscow. An astute student ol communism in Russia and in America, he is the author ol " Assignment in Utopia"; " The Red Decade"; " Stalin , Czar ol All the Russias"; and most re­cently, " Our Secret Allies: the Peoples al Russia." He was one ol the founders and the lirst president ol the American Com­mittee for Liberation From Bol­shevism , which naw operates radio station " Liberation" in Munich . Formerly editor ol the " American Mercury," Mr. Lyons is at present a senior editor ol the " Reader's Digest." a firmer and more self-confident dedi­cation to the world-wide triumph of communism than ever before. The policies set forth at the con­gress amount to an adaptation of Sta­lin 's party line of the mid-thirties - the period of united fronts and peace­able cocxisti\'C which in our country ll'ent under the slogan "Communism is 20th Century Americanism." Those who profess to see something new and unprecedented in recent developments simply have failed to do their horne- 11·ork in Soviet history. Take the statement that war is not inevitable. i\loscow was saying that very thing twenty years ago. There was even talk of awarding the lohel Peace Prize to Stalin's front man abroad, Jaxim Litvinov. The same is true of the pronounce­ments about achi!'\ ing communism through parliarnentan m!'lhods. Such methods h:\\'e been ·used for nearh forty years, through Communist Pa~­tics in democratic: countries posing as conventional political parti!'s. Has the world forgotten that this is precise!~ how Hitler took Ol'Cr in Gcrn1am·? The force and 1·iolence comes after the \'ictor~ at the ballot box to make it permanent. The pn•sent change in line is in­tPmled. precisely as in the 1930's, to facilitate the infiltration of free gov­ernments; C\'nical united fronts with left-wing bt;t non-Communist groups; the subversion of trade unions; the luring of well-meaning hut soft-headed indil'iduals into carnounagcd Commu­nist outfits. Beware ol Sell-deception There is only one real and meaning­ful difference. It is that Sol'ict Russia and its world apparatus of power arc today \'astly stronger, larger, more self-confident than two decades ago. Their menace to everything we cher­ish is therefore incalculably greater. \Ve cannot afford soporific self-decep­tion. The recent riots in Soviet Georgia and disturbances elsewhere in the Communist prison-land are significant. They sholl' that despite nearl1· fortv years of terror and indoctrination. th~ peoples of Russia ha\'C retained a capacity to protest - and remember that in demonstrating against the re­gime a So\'iet citiz<'n risks his life. Our obligation is to deepen the gulf that divides the Kremlin oligarchs from their su hjects; to let the masses behind the curtains know that free and ci\'ilized men outside will settle for nothing less than their liberation from tlw Red yoke. The changes in party line, especiallv the demmciation of Stalin, are sy1~1ptorns of internal ten­sions, not only in the general popula­tion hut in the military ranks and in the ruling Communist Partv. If we h:ll"C any political SCllSC and some rem­nants of the ll'ill to survil'c we will exploit the situation by ste{iping up political and psychological warfare. Those who want us to relax, who counsel policies of accommodation that would freeze the status quo of a world half enslal'cd, are betraying our ci1·ilization. E:->D Page 5 FROM 'C.he ~reat C/'reten6e A Talk with Voroshilov "Any who are inclined to believe that there has been a change of heart in Moscow should remember that the men who are now attempt­ing to prove themselves amiable souls are the same men who carried out murders, tortures, and mass starvation for Stalin." William C. Bullitt served as American Ambassador to the Soviet Union from 1933 until 1936. His distinguished career in government service has also included the post of Ambassa­dor at Large in 1941-42 and of special assistant to the Secretary of the Navy in 1942-43. Mr. Bul­litt began his career as associate editor and foreign correspond­ent for the " Philadelphia Public Ledger" and, in 1944, returned to this field as foreign corre­spondent for " Life" magazine. That same year he enlisted in the French Army as an infantry major. He was decorated with a Croix de Guerre with palm and was made commander of the French Legion of Honor. He is the author of " Report to the Ameri­can People" and "The Great Globe Itself." Page 6 Tm: present attempt of the \loscow commissars to masquerade as innocent victims of Stalin's sadistic brutality should deceive no one. A hyena that laughs remains a hyena. A wolf in sheep's clothing changes his coat hut not his heart. Americans have been bamboozled so often by this Commu­nist tactic that few arc likely to be im­pressed by the present smiles and hleatine;s of the Kremlin gane;. Any who arc inclined to believe that there has been a change of heart in Moscow should remember that the men who arc now attempting to prove them­selves amiable souls arc the same men who carried out murders, tortures, and mass starvations for Stalin. To me they seem more repellent now when they are professing that they were always horrified by Stalin's lying and blood­thirsty brutality than they seemed when they were frankly gangsters. ~ ( any of them were murderous criminals on their own hook long be­fore Stalin achieved supreme power. For example, ~farshal Voroshilov, who is todav the Soviet Chief of State - the So~iet Union's Queen Elizabeth - has always been able to smile dis­armingly and to pat children affection­ately on the head, and is no doubt the nicest of the Communist lot. Just how nice he is seems to me worth relating at this time. Quite a Character One night in the winter of 1934 he was seated on my right at dinner and \larshal Bucknny was on my left. Thev had drunk a bit of vodka and both were relaxed and gay. "You know, Bullitt," said Voroshilov, Bu­cli.' nny is the man who won the civil war without ever knowing what he was fighting about." "That's true," laughed Budcnny. "~ly motto has never been proleta­rians of the world unite; it has always been cavalrvmen of the world unite. I don't care' why I fight so long as I have a good war." By WILLIAM C. BUL LITT We laughed, and Voroshilov th~ said, "[ think the most extraordin thing we ever did together was to c:• ture Kiev without fighting." "What happened?" I asked. "\Veil ," said Voroshilov, "there we 11,000 Czarist officers with their wi1" and children in Kiev and thcv h. more troops than we had, a~d '' never could have captured the city b fighting, so we used propaganda :1 we told them that they would he leased and allowed to go to th homes with their families and trc:1t as well as possible by our army, a thev believed us and surrendered." "\Vhat did vou do then?" I asked. "Oh," said Voroshilov, "we shot the men and boys and we put all tP women and the girls into brothels 11 our army." "Do you think that was a very d cent thing to do?" I asked. "i\ Iy army needed women," S·. Voroshilov, "and I was concerned \\'1 my army's health and not with t health of those women; and it dido make any difference anyhow, bec•ll~ they ~~re all dead within th months. Voroshilov no doubt deserves r position as Chief of State of the So"' Union, and is no doubt the most hO orablc• and charming of Communi~t hut that is exactly how honorable all' charming he is. I hope that Americans who may .ti. come inclined to believe any pronl1' now made by the Communist lead• will remember the fate of the Cz•1ri' officers and their wives and sons '1 daughters in Kiev. The present Soviet ohjccti\'C clear. It is to lull us into a sleeP death while the Soviet Union achir' control of new areas without war, ~1r prepares sufficient hydrogen bo01 and intercontinental jct hombers destroy our retaliatory power b) sneak attack, so that some day it ' he in a position to blot us out ,,. impunit~. t:' FACTS Fonu,1 ·E\1·s, Srptembcr, JiJ: FRO I! s R v By WI Cu111 llism the So to di1 d1icflv 1veak1 1trengt •trnong the lor hdiei·E tanks t·ffccti1 t·i·en ti the C<. Valiant tno, th1 l.:ttion til(ht, a the So1 1111rest 11ndt•re >lltncti1 Tn11nist hc•l iev f loci ~~ainst Sol'iet ''.npop1 t1~ht n 111 Eas 19.5.3 F th . e ins Tn11st £ ' 0rne. 11'otild ~i6c si Of tho< BULLITT roshilov t~h' extraordin ~ r was to C•l 1g." isked. 1, --there we th their wi1• nd thC\ h 1ad, a~d '' :d the city~ paganda a would he go to th s and tre<ll' ur armv, a render~d." 1?" I asked. "we shot re put all th ) brothels fc as a very d I. tomen" sJJ incern;d ,~,: not with t and it did1 how bec•11c within th deserves l' of the So1i he most h0 Communist onorable a who ma\· 1' any promi' 1Unist lead' >f the Cz;1t!'. and sons J~ ohjecti\'t' to a sleeP nion achit" lOUt \VUf, •l ·ogcn bo01 bombers power b) 1e day it 11, us out 11 ~ FROM 'C:lte ~reat C[>reten6e Is Stalin's. Russia Weakening? By WHITTAKER CHAMBERS c l'll11FYr d('ve)opmcnts in commu­llisrn, following the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Part), appear to divide anti-Communist opinion d1it'fly on two questions: ( 1) Will this IVcaken communism? (2) Will it 1trengthen communism? l belong 'llnong those "ho answer: "Yes, over :h;. long pull," ~o qu?stion 2. l simply •< h<·ve that, nmt• timcs out of ten, tanks and automatic rifles arP more <·ffectiw than stones. or pop bottles, ~Ven though the stones arc thrown <lt th<· Communist tanks hy dt'SJ)('riltcly Valiant anti-Communists. T hclie\'C, too, that, nine times out of ten, organi­;: 1tion defeats no organization, that a t;)(h t, aggn•ssive organization, such as le Soviet governmcnt, d<'f<'ats diffuse 11nrest or even such anti-Communist 11 nd<·q~round organization as we are 101llt•times told e\ists within the Com- Jtn1inist empire. l do not, in gencral, ·>r el·1 c•vc that spontaneous rc,·olts, c•,·en 1 locallv ferocious, can succeed ~l(<i~nst a 'modern policc state, like thc O\'ret Union. That is wh, T held thc 1.nPopular view that th~ \Vcst was ril(ht not to encourage tlw outhrcaks ~~~East Germany and c•lse\1 here in th•)3: For, unless wc mean~ to support tn e insurrcclionists with armiC's, thcy Soltst fail. Heprisals would he gru<'- 1\· Ill<'. Rc'S<'ntment against the \Vest q~llld. ha\'e been widespread and spe-ffic srnce 011r ,·erbal eneouragcment 0 those· ,, horn \H' did not mcan to f',.c.-rs Fonl 'I '\ rws, September, 19.S(i A A A A A A A ,,+->->->->->->->- support with force \\'Ould ha\'e seemed irresponsible. Imagine yourst•lf to he a Soviet national facing a So' id tank with nothing in your hand hut a stone, ancl the whole problem will he much more vivid than \Hlrcls can make it. Aho\'t', l han• cardulh said: nine times out of ten . Th<' question thC'n hecomcs: \ re tht• cmrt•nt develop­nwnts in the Communist empire the tcnth timc that thro\\'s 011t all eomcn­tional reckoning? It \\'Ould be wrong to dismiss lightly the 'iews of those who hold that the Communist empire is now crumbling slowlv or crumbling fast, or arw, iew in het~n·en . It wo11ld he just as ·wrong not to ask for a carc­f u l audit of th<' e\'icl<'nct' supporting those dews. So far, what ('viclence I ha\'e seen seems to me skctchv, conh·a­dictorv, or high ly spcc1rlati\'t:. Hiots in Sovie't Gc·orgia and elsc" here in Transcaucasia ( \\'<' han• a lmost no de­tai ls) fo llowed the official clcmolition of Stalin. To many perfect]) S('nsihlc [)('Opie, they looked like tlw hc',ginning of the encl for communism. To me they look<'cl lik<' riots in C<'orgia. Heccntlv stucl('nts rioted at thc l'nin•rsitv of \ laclricl. Other sensihlc pc•oplc for~cast thc h<'ginning of tlw end for the Franco go,ernnwnt. Of the two cases, l shou Jc] ('\[)('Ct tlw Spanish riots to he more' of a dangcr for the Spanish gov­ernment than the Georgian riots for th<' Soviet go\'crnnll'nt, although the anti-Communist riots may \\'Cl! ha,·c -<-<-<-<-<-<-<../ Whittaker Chambers, a former courier for the Soviet under-ground espionage apparatus in America, is known to millions of Americans for his courageous exposure of Soviet underground activities in the United States, particularly in the United States government, and for his identifi­cation of Alger Hiss as a se cret Soviet agent. A distinguished w riter and a former senior edi­tor of " Time" magazine, Mr . Chambers has told the story of his years with the Communist Party and the motives for his final break with it in his compel­ling autobiography, "Witness." -<-<-<-<-<-<-< y y y y y y y A A A A A A A been much bigger and the whole con­tc'l. t more precarious. The diffcrC'nce lies not onl) in the riots, h11t in the fact that a \'ast power of public opin­ion in the \ \'est has consistentlv beset the Spanish gon•rnment while. practi­call\' thc same hodv of the \Vcstern opi~ion has prett) consistcntly favored thC' Communist government. I am not talking, of course, aho11t Communist opinion in thc \Vest, h11t about so­called enlightencd opinion in which Communists make', at most, a tim acti\'ating forcc. Do Jcft liberals ever \\'Cary of pointing 011t that American Communists, for e\amplc, are statisti­cally negligible? In the body politic any unrest reg­isters a degrcc of fC'\'Cr - perhaps more than onc clcgrc•e. But most of us cannot make an accurate reading hc­cause most of us cannot even see the thermometcr. \Ve can simply, using our good scnst', rcnwmher that c,·en a tcmpc•rature of l0.5 does not necessar­ily mean that the patient will die at dawn. In the casC' of communism, most of us would like• the patient to die soon<'r. But that is a pious hope, not a reading of reali ty. In the ahsPnc;, of hard facts about what is happening in the Communist empire we can only: ( 1) check our Yiews daily• against s11ch facts, or sel'ming facts, as l<'ak through censor­ship; ( 2) hear in mind that, even so, (Continued on page 491 Page 7 FROM 'C:lte ~reat C/)reten6e Stalin ism Continues T ooAY. the gravest threat to free­dom of thought and all other basic human freedoms is to be found in the totalitarian philosophy and movement fostered and financed In the Soviet dictatorship. The gen~iine fighter against conformism must recognize that communism is its most perilous expression. In our opposition to even the slightest conformism in our own country, we must therefore guard against cooperatin,c; with Communists, whose dogmas and deeds are the very negation of freedom of thought. Our countr) plays a vital role in the international arena. The eyes of the world are on all our institutions. \Ve must spare no effort and lose no time in eliminating any anti-democratic expressions in our way of life. In this connection, I can assure vou that labor will yield to none in ac'ting to elimi­nate from our country race prejudice in even- form, in everv field of human endeav.or, in every pa~t of the land. Thank God that in our dcmocracv no one has to conform even with th~ highest government official. Wishful thinking and leap-year political parti­sanship ha' e caused some to paint a distorted picture of the last congress of the Communist Party Soviet Union. By GEO RG E M EAN Y \\'e have been asked to hclit>ve that the free world - in comparison with the Communist orbit - is today stronger than it was a year ago; that ~losco\v has been forced, as a result of our incrcas(•d strength, to revise its strategy and go about the world seek­ing friends on a new basis. Frankly, I do not believe this is true. In addition, I find it hard to believe anyone in offi­cial positions or responsibility in our government really thinks this is true. What arc the facts? Despite all the world-shaking noise made at the 20th Communist Congress, and, on many occasions before, about reforming the Soviet svstcm, it remains the same - a monolithic one-party dictatorship in the hands of a narrow clique whose policies arc always unanimously ap­proved by those hand-picked by the Communist ruling group to represent the people. This system is maintained by a ruthless police state. It holds manv millions in slave-labor camps and ·prisons. It maintains its strangle­hold through a continuing purge by firing squads and a complete denial of the democratic rights of labor, and the fundamental human rights proclaimed in our country's Bill of Rights. For the people behind the Iron Curtain. the George Meany, president of the AFL-CIO, ranks as one of labor's most forthright spokesmen against communism . Recogniz­ing the importance of maintain­ing fre e labor movements abroad, Mr . Meany was instru­mental in the establishment of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. He was chosen president of the AFL in 1952 to fill the post left vacant by the death of William Green, and was unanimously elected president of the combined AFL­C/ 0 at its first convention in New Yo rk City in December, 1955. dictatorship is no less oppressive wher it is run by 11 tyrants trained in th< Stalinist school than when it was rutl by a single despot. The Soviet system is today furtht~ away from ours than it ever was, bt' cause in our country democracy h•l' been making headway. Hence, ther< is no basis whatsoever for the concl11· sion that the Kremlin now realizes th•it it must bring its system closer to our> Surely we must realize this is 110 1 the first time that the Russian Coru· munists have revised their strate!(I Surely there arc some of us who re member June 21, 1941, when Mosco1 ' changed its mind about Hitler bein' a great patriot defending the Genn•11 people and world peace. A New Maneuver The Russian Communists have bcf' constantly revising their strategy. JW neither at the 20th, nor at any othe1 Party congress have they change their basic and ultimate aim - th I conquest of the entire world and jt• transformation on the Soviet sh11 pattern. If the present world crisis could!~ , dealt with simply on the basis of di!'' lomatic pacts between nations. 1 would not be so serious. We wo11I then be dealing with paper perils 3tl' a pen-and-ink crisis. I do not belittl the value of pacts - especially if '111 when they arc genuinely in the serdcl of peace and freedom. But the rnel" conclusion of a pact is in itself ii<' proof of its effectiveness as a force fl pcac('. The :\lolotov project for a "c<' lectiw securitv" pact as well as ti \Varsaw pact ~lo not mean that l\fo' cow is copying our mutual-sccurir program. A TO seeks peace and h lwlpecl preserve peace and sccuri? Their "mutual security" programs il1P j at strengthening the forces of co~· munist aggression and dividing t democratic world. Russia, without doubt, has rn•111 serious weaknesses in agriculture. 1 FACTS FORl' \r N..:ws, September, 1 FROI r ll h n danger~ result 0 of the ( Dnion lllunis;r accomp Peas em Soviet tralism IVith so credit Dniti•d essive when incd in the it was run day further rcr was, lir- 1ocracy h•1' :encc, ther• the concl11· realizes th"1 Jser to our-this is not 1ssian Cofll· iir stratc!(I us who re 1en ~1osco1' '.Jitler bei01 the Gerrn•1v ts have ber11 trategy. 131· t any other 'V changt 'aim - th oriel and i~ )oviet slJ'' sis could .1• 1 basis of di!'° t . I na 10ns, I We wou •r perils 3P' not bclittl cially if 311 n the seJ'\'1('1 ut the J11Cl' in itself 11' s a force f~ : t for a "c0 well as ti 1 n that !'-1°' tual-securi~ ace and h· nd sccuri~ ·r rograms 31 I 'CS of CoJll lividing ti FROM 'C.he ~reat Cf>reten6e "With reference to the United States, the Soviet obiective is to smear leading anti-Communists, discredit the loyalty-security program, dismantle the framework of anti-Communist legislation, and demand an end to further nuclear weapons tests." r llE leaders ': the Soviet Union ha,·e launched a new tactical maneu\'er which is fraught with dangers for the United States. As a result of the February, 1956, meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the forces of international com­munism have adopted new tactics to accomplish three objectives: ( 1) Ap­Pcasement of discontent within the Soviet sphere; ( 2) extension of neu­tralism abroad through a united front IVith socialism; ( 3) weaken and dis­credit anti-Communists within the linitl'd States. for the revolutionarv transformation of capitafot society into Socialist so­ciety. This is "hat distinguisllC's rl'\'­olutionarv larxists from reformists and opp~rtunists. There is not a shad­ow of doubt that for a number of capitalist r·ou ntries the overthrow of the bourgeois dictatorship hy force and the connected sharp aggravation of the class struggle is inevitable." Khrushchev went on to point out that Communist conquests of countries like France and Italy might he accom­plished peacefully through the forma­tion of popular fronts with the Social- The Lure of Peaceful Coexistence By ANTHONY T. BOUSCAREN . Communist leaders hope to con­ ·incc non-Communists that "peaceful ~·oexistcnce" is possible, and not only Shat, desirable. Soviet dictator, Nikita ~ khrushchcv, told the 20th Congress t) at "war may not be inevitable." By hs he meant that "peaceful coexist­~ nce" is possible if the United States . 0es not resist future Soviet aggrcs­\ ton and Communist subversion. In bther words, we can have coexistence .'1 making the same kind of conccs­~ 0ns that were made at ~lunich, Calta, Potsdam , Panmunjom, and encva. d nfortunatcly, wishful thinkers and to Vocates of peace-at-any-price mis­Ill nstrucd Khrushchev's remarks to ean that the forces of international ~lll~unism had abandoned Stal.in's n ctrme of force and violence agamst ~0 -Communist states. othing could a fartlwr from the truth. On Fehru­t~ 14, 1956, dictator Khrushchev told t e 20th Congress in f\Ioscow: "Jt is llte that w<' recognize the necessity "~l"rs Fonu" ' Ews, September, 1956 ists. This has particular relevance to J taly, where most Socialists have al­ready placed themselves at the dis­posal of the ltalian Communist Party. J nsofar as Soviet foreign policy is concerned the general approach of the 20th Congress doctrine is to appear to he more conci liatorv, and to encour­age non-Communist states to make concessions in the name of "peace." In this way, the Communists hope to gain control of the Chinese Nationalist islands of Qucmoy and ~latsu , obtain diplomatic recognition for Communist China, extend Nchru-stvle neutralism throughout all Asia, n~utralize Ger­many through promises of unit)', ex­ploit f\ liddle East tensions hy inciting both sides, and gain respectability and prestige by visits to \Vcstern countries on the pa ttern of the ~ l alcnkov­Khrushchev- Bulganin visits to Great Britain. It is likely that the USSR will suggest such a visit to the United States in the not too distant future. This together with the recent visits of Anthony T. Bouscaren holds de­grees from Yale University and the University of California. He is director of the political science department of Marquette Uni­versity and has taught at the University of San Francisca and Loyola University. His work has won him the Christopher award, the Freedom Foundation cita­tion , and the Daughters of Amer­ican Revolution award. Among his books are " A Guide to Anti­Cammunist Action," " Imperial Communism," and " America Faces World Communism." In addition, he has contributed to a wide range of publications, in­cluding the " Journal of Politics," the " Western Political Quarter­ly," the " American Mercury," and " The Freeman." A veteran of the United States Marine Corps in World War II, he re­ceived two Distinguished Flying Crosses. He is now a major in the Marine Corps Reserve. Soviet farm and cultural delegations to the United States serves to strength­en the Soviets not only from the point of view of prestige in foreign policy, but from the point of view of strength­ening their position at home. \Vhen the peoples behind the Iron Curtain realize that the United States is less and less interested in their plight, and more and more interested in fratcrniz- (Conlinucd on )'Jage 49) Page 9 FROM 'Lite ~reat Cf'reten4'e N 1i.:1L\ KnRUSHCHEV's "new line" is of a similar character to the successful maneu\·ers by Joseph V. Stalin in 19.'36 and in \\'orld \Var 11. In other words. Khrushchev, the new Stalin, is at­tempting to cover up the Communist wolf with sheep's clothing. In 1936, Stalin produced the Stalin­ist constitution for Soviet Russia, which "guaranteed" freedom of speech. freedom of press, freedom of assemblage, and freedom of demon­stration. This was an ironic travesty, as the present Communist leaders now acknowledge, as none of these "guar­anties" was granted any of the en­slaved peoples under Soviet rule. _\t that time. Stalin was pictured as "bC'­coming democratic" and communism was represented as "changing." In World War II, Stalin "dissolved" the Communist International. Again this act was represented as a profound "change" in communism. As a matter of fact. :\loscow's control of the Com­munist Parties of the world remained the same as ever, and the alleged "dis­solution" of the Communist Interna­tional was a tragic farce. The Same Old Line Both of these Stalinite maneuvers prepared the way for the debacles of Yalta and Potsdam, and the conquest of one-third of the world by Soviet power. Khrnshchev's "new line" is given to a Communist international apparatus as well disciplined and blindlv obe­dient to Moscow's directives as· it was under Stalin. The Cominform organ, For a Lasting Peace, for a People's Democracy, of February 24, signalizes this fact by announcing that Khrush­chev's report was adopted by the 20th Congress of the Communist Parh· of the Soviet Union "unanimously." · just as Stalin's reports were previous!~ adopted. The Communist Parties of the world, including that of the L'nited States, are immediately con­forming to "the new line." Khrushchev's talk of taking over cer­tain countries by parliamentary means is mereh the old tactics under a new guise, the tactics of the "popular front." Even here Khrushchev indi­cates that he is rC'SOrting to Aesopian languagC', for he dC'clares in effect for Page 10 Khrushchev Copies Stalin By LOUIS BUDENZ Louis Budenz, former managing editor of the official Communist newspaper, the " Daily Worker," is one of the highest-ranking American Communists to break with the Party . He has since made invaluable contributions to America's security by provid­ing detailed information about Communist policies and leaders. A native of Indianapolis, Indi­ana, Mr. Budenz holds a law degree from Indianapolis Law School, and has taught at Notre Dame, Fordham, and Seton Hall Universities. Based on his per­sonal experience as a Commu­nist official, he is the author of several books on communism, among them, " This ls My Story," "Men Without Faces," and the " Techniques of Communism." the violent overthrow of the govern· ment of the United States, just a' Lenin docs specifically in State 0111 Revolution and Stalin in the Foundo· lions of Leninism. The new Stalin repeats this thouizh' I when he says that "in countries whert capitalism is still strong and where ii I controls an enormous militarv and police machine, the serious resistancr of reactionary forces is inevitabk 1 There the transition to socialism "''' proceed amid conditions of an acul.f class revolutionary struggle." And thr I "revolutionary class struggle" or "ch1" war" according to Marxism-Leninisfl' must end in the establishment of th I Soviet dictatorship by violelice. ThC' one country above all which I clearly indicated in Khrushchc1 I words - the country "where capitJ1 ' en ism is still strong" - is the Unit< nati1 States of America. cl'·h\\ah ' ate ~here ti Schemes Unlimited files Cl The present tactics of the Krcrnli° Ceo El as those of the "popular front," ~r tteptcd, innc t therefore designed to beguile Amer~ ht· o again into unguardedness regard111 1 ~en. sm the "peaceful coexistence" schC'mcs t a1 115 '.ng Soviet Russia and to bring about I~ ti~ori_dat collapse of nation after nation uncl< • n is n • ql!Or'd Soviet power as took place as the r<~ cli 1 at suit of the "popular front" particulM 9 e. Thu a f ter \vo r1 c1 "vv' a r II . ' I' ,1p1 o•r i,d, at The so-called "devaluation" of SP 1 i":o s a is for the same purpose. Khrushcl \ ti , "•1r'eh asn· 1 cloC's not repudiate the fundamcn\ Se .e I of J\larxism-Leninism, as set down ,f, th~ice, J\larx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. . \fe Pro-• I I ffi I t 1111 <1rch · t 1e contrury, 1e rea rms t 1em, s <1 ··~ · that he stands on "Lenin's principle; • t re fiuc and on "the bedrock principles 0 no otaJ ol \farxism-Leninism." Khrushchev dCJl" l "'"Wt dri 1r~ •er not evC'n repudiate the great pt PL .. · trials. On this he says: "The Trot;i1 e.,.:s an ites-Bukharinists, and the chamP10~ I ~ep~ sti of bourgeois nationalism, sought ti\ \fe _on hrC'ak the Leninist unity of our P'1 I Xtdc_o, anc I go t 1't m. t h e neek ." I 'li11n . .ic •a The sole criticism of Stalin is tlll1_t • ~·1~1 hcs forwarded "the cult of the personah~j I 'dd erns hut that cult is still being adwnC' Coled, i, • re- illllb' in the laudation of Khrushchev 5 tJil ljl'<llt 1 port by the Communist press of ~ ~tis· h ' world as "a profound analysis" 31 ~ing in other similar terms. (. \·1~ 1 (Conlinuccl on 7>0~C T FACTS FonL \I 1\;vws, Seplcm/Jcr. lgJ Should cities put TEETH in their laws through ... the govcrn­tes, just a' 1 State 0111 he Founda· this thought 1tries whert nd where ill 1ilitary and s resistancfl inevitable cialism "·iii of an acult e." And thi· ;le" or "chi" I m-Lcninis~ lelilce. ment of th I all which I irushche' 1ere capilJ} I' c tT\ aftc•r cit) throughout the the Unitt nation, arti~cial fl~1oridation of d \\atcr supplies continues to he a ehatc•d issue. Even in those cases ;:i1ere the issue has been decided, tile' (es cannot be stamped "CASE he Kremli~ LOSED," for, if fluoridation is ac-front," at' ~<'Pted, the anti-fluoridationists con­lile Amcr!t< ~~Ile to wage un~casing w:1r and h:l\.'c s regard!l1 1 ta en. successful 111 many 111stances 111 • schemes" R Usmg the discontinuance o[ the g about tlil l'110ri_dation process. \Vhen fluorida­ation undt" 3~n .1s rejected by a community, pro- :e as the rC <J· Oridationists refuse to let the issue particuh1rl• a'e. Thus, as city after city considers . •110?d,1tion, the battle cries o[ the on" of St.1h , Pros" and "an ti's" swell in an CH'r­Khrushchr I n~casing volume. mdarneot·1'.' s,. ~c nited States Public Health >Ct down Ii th t\ ice, spearhead organization for 1 Stalin. ,'fl \t Pro-fluoridators, reported that on hem statl11 ~·arch 15, 1956, 1,140 communities ; pri~ciplc;, ~;re fluoridating their water supplies, rinciples O• no Ota] of 22,553,366 American citizens shchev clO". \>IV drinking artificially fluoridated great pur.~ Pl;~cr, Communities whose watc•r sup­' he Trotsk' !'\·es are being so h·eated represent . charnpiofl' I ~ e~ state in the union with the ex-sought t ~lll~on of Arizona, Nevada, 1c•w 'J f our p•1 rt' eIx 1 c_o, and tah. I!\ nd1cative of the division into "com­lin is thnt lit ,1 11nitics" rather than into city wat('r persoouli~j ·•d~ems to which fluoride is being 1g advuf!C' I ~ 1 ed, is the fact that the District of shchev's rt I 1i°._111llhia is shown in the Public press of tJtl Pr~'1.1 th Service compilation as com­ialysis" •11 ~tng six communities, a total of \,OQo in population. ·Ir, Thomas L. Ilagan, Dental Di- '\ 1.\\'S, Scptcmbcr, 1956 If not - why not? And, if so - can the bene ficial effects of fluorine in public water supplies be documented? Where should the burden of proof rest? These vital questions concern all Americans, as community after community through­out the nation considers the controlled addition of fluoride to water supplies in an effort to lessen dental decay. r!'ctor of the L'. S. Public ITealth S<•n­ict', and Chief of the Di\'ision of Den­tal Public Health, states: Th<' 1'11hlic ll<'alth S<'n ic<' appr<>H's ad­j11st111cnt of the fl11oridc cont<'nt of p11hlic wakr suppli('S as a safe, l'ff('ctin•, and <'C'O­nomical procedure for tlw p;_trli<li pn'H.'ll­tion of tooth decay. It sho11ld lw cmpha­siz<' d that the decision on wlwtlwr to ad)IJSt the n11oride conknt of w;tt('r s11p­plit ·s f<'Sls <'nlirdy with lot'al communitit•s. This issue, dirccth in\'Ol\'ing mil­lions of Americans, has ramifications which include delicate points of finance, religious frppdom, minorit~ rights, and constitutional law. Perhaps the only unchallenged fact of the en­tire debate is the enormous extent and damage of tooth decay among our cit­izens in evc1y walk of life. Dental decay afTlicts more than 80 per cPnt of our youngsters, cs·cn before th('~ h<'gin their first grade in grammar school. It accounts for a staggering proportion of this nation's yearly den­tal bill of more than $100 million.1 '\'or is the toxicit~ of sodium fluor­ide open to question insofar as the ch('mical itself is concerned. lf anyone dou hts that it is a deadly poiso1;, he can quickly end the doubt - and risk doing the same with his life - by swal­Jm, ing enough of the white powder to em er a nickel, a lethal dos<'." Those who [avor fluoridation point lo the desirability of active attack against dental decay. Tlwir carefully eompiled statistics of test cities cover a ten-year period. Jn the pro-fluorida­tion ranks may be found many doc­tors, dentists, and dental and health organizations of acknowlPdged inte­gri~ and repute. Thc•sc• authoritiPs, com incecl that the fluoridation pro­cess is a boon to our population, label the claims of anti-fluoridationists as "unqualified," "hysterical," ancl, in many cases, as "scaremongering." They point to the chlorination of water sup­plies as an established prt'cedcnt. Those \\'ho oppose fluoridation of ci~ \\'ater supplies fall in many cate­g( iries. Officials of water companies protest expense and point to the vir­tual impossihilit~. in some instances, of maintaining a safe mixture of this tcn.ic chemical compound. Other \ oiccs raised against fluoridation in­clude those of doctors and dentists whose integrity and standing equal that of their professional brothers in the opposing forces. ~!any patriots, also, feel that compulsory medication which docs not cleal with a contagi­ous disease is incompatible with the \merican system of government. ome are conYinced that the process of fluoridation \'iolatcs one of our first lines of defense - the protection of '' ater supplies. :\Jany \\'ho oppose fluoridation claim this is "the camel's nose in the tent" \\'hich will sen·e as a forerunner for more compulsory medication, and c\·cntually socialized medicine'. Let us take a look at the opposing claims on this vital subject. 1Bulktin of America's Tmrn _\/£ding of the Air, :\lay 20. 19.56, \'ol. 22, .'\o. 3 . .:i.(:itch, Dr. Gordon B., "Fluori<l.\ted \\";.1lN," Jh, fn.u11an , July, 19.56. Page 11 THE CASE AGAINST FtUORIDATION No o'E disputes that fluorides arc deadly poisons. However, some of the recommendations "hich accompany definitions of fluor­ides are of interest in the current con­troversy. Amo~g these arc the fol­lowing: The noted authorit) on fluorine poi­soning, Leo Spira, ~l.D., says: "Poi­soning the drinking water, or contami­nating it with a highly potent toxin, would be the correct description of what is now being done."3 The 24th edition of the U. S. Dis­pensatory (p. 1456) , a reference used extensively by pharmacists and drng­gists, shows that "Fluorides are violent poisons to all living tiss11e because of their precipitation of calcium. They cause fall of blood pressure, respira­tory failure and general paralysis. Continuous ingestion of non-fatal doses according to Sollmann (J. Phar­macol., 1921, 17, 197) cause general cechcxia and permanent inhibition of growth." This reference also states that fluor­ides cause "analogous changes in teeth," and that through ingestion of fluorides "bones become hard and fragile." It further states, "The use of fluoride-containing dentifrices and in­ternal medicants is not justified.''4 While those who urge fluoridation emphasize that children from the ages of birth to 12 vcars will receive the greatest benefits in elimination of dental caries through the ingestion of fluoridated water, the U. S. Depart­ment of Agriculture Year Book, 1939 (pp. 212 and 213 ), under the title "Food and Life," states: "Fluorine has been shown to be the cause of disfig­uring dental disease known as mottled enamel or fluorosis. Fluorine inter­feres with normal calcification of teeth during the process of their formation, so that teeth, in addition to being usu­ally discolored and ugly in appear­ance, are strncturally weak, and dete­riorate earlv in life. For this reason it is especidlly important that fluorine be awided from birth to the age of 12 years."" 1952 Fluoridation Hearings The House Committee to Investi­gate the Use of Chemicals in Foods and Cosmetics, headed b7 Representa­tive James J. Delanc7 of ?\ew York, heard the testimony of eighteen pro- Page 12 fcssional witnessC's on fluoridation in :\larch, 1952. The committee itself was exceptionally w(•ll-qualified, as were the witnesses, which included one or more r('presentati\'es of all organiza­tions that have endorsed the program : the United States Public Health Serv­ice, the American Dental Association, the American \ledical Association, the Association of State and Territorial Health officers, and the :\'ational Re­search Council. It was the unanimous recommenda­tion of this committee that "a suffi­cient number of unanswered questions concerning the safety of the fluorida­tion program exists to warrant a con­servative attitude."H Dr. A. L. l\liller, a member of the committee, and former! v Pub lie Health Director of 'ebraska: had onh the year bcfon• initiated the propos;{l to fluoridate the water in the nation's capital. Following the Delancy hear­ings, Congressman :\liller said: "I be­lieve that the dental profession and other public-minded individuals like myself have been misled by the Public Health Servic(', because all of the facts have not been made available on this subject."7 H('centlv fluoridation in Tulsa, Okla­homa, h~s been halted by Water Commissioner Pat l\laguire. The Tulsa Tribune, which favors fluoridation, re­ports the charge tlrnt the Rockefeller monc~ , through grants, controls what medical schools teach about the value of fluorides and that the same "em­pire" controls the chemical companies that sell the additive. USPHS Reverses former Aims One editor, himself a student of chemistry, points out that sodium fluoride compounds arc one hundred times as dcadlv as calcium fluoride compounds fou~d in natural fluoridat­ed water supplies, and fifteen times more deadl7 than arsenic.' Ile emphasized tl1at until the cur­rent drive for fluoridation the U. S. Public Health Service and others were concerned about the fluoridation in natural water supplies and were at­tempting to discover methods of re­moving the fluorine compounds. 8 \lajor C('orgc Racey Jordan, under whose super\'ision airborne shipments of fluorides were sent to Russia during World \\'ar II, learned that this sub-stance was used in the drinking wat of Siberian prisoners, to dull th thinking processes and force resign tion of prisoners to slavery.0 Sp('aking recently at a patriotic CO ferencc in \Vashington, D. C., \J;lj Jordan refrrred to the test cities :\'ewburgh and Kingston, cw Yor where the U. S. Public Health Scrdc has r('ccntly completed ten-year co:I parative tests. In these tests, the c, j of ewburgh was fluoridated, wlu Kingston maintained a water sy It free of artificial fluorides. The called pilot test, Major Jordan clai!ll is invalidated by the fact that Kin ston water contains almost five ti1!1 I as much natural calcium as does Ne' burgh water. That plans to fluoridate Ameri water systems could be any part of Communist master plan, that man) our eminent dentists, physicians, a health organizations could be misl to the extent of honestly recommc11 I ing furtherance of a procedure wh1 ' 1 constitutes a Communist plot, is 11 thinkable to the average Amcric: Herc appears tlie area of thinki which pro-fluoridationists would h« <lily label ... ''Scaremongering'' Yet, is it scaremongering to • knowledge that we have within ° borders people who advocate t overthrow of the United States g• ernmcnt In force and violence '11 who wouki seek the support of ' 1 cerc, loyal Americans to further th' sinister plot? ~lilitary strategy ~ forth the protection of water supP as one of the first principles of 0 fcnse. With the information doi' mented by Congress that some of (II most outstanding officials ha\'C ]Ji misled through agents of foreign P'' ers, that these agcuts arc present many ar('as of government and c I life where they can most r('adil) l (Continued on page ·Frn1vrn, Mr\, Golth1, Fluoridt1tion h o \( 10 :~~I~;~~ ri.~~~ ~~i/.k Citizens Medical Heft ( Bureau, SttaukH, L. I., N. Y. 6Frum:cn, OJ'. cit. j "Horty, Jnmt:s, "The Tmth About Fluoridj 1'11c l'rfl'man, Jun<' 29, 19.!):J. · 1' ' Milkr, C'..onli(rt''i'>nlnn A. L., "FluorJtflltl' I \Vakr," ConJ,:rtnimwl Record, .\far. 4, p. AJ~>OO. hlurntionol .Veu:f St.·n ice, July, 19~6. 1•Jord.w, \f.ljor G~·orJ!t' Ha<."t·y, Stx"t·ch a~t li<>th \Vomen'5 Pntriotic Confrrcnce, Jlotd \V,\,hlrll{lon, I). ("., h·h. l i, 19.56. F Arr. Font·" T~~ tl fluoride harmfu theoreti Chines< is wortl The trained local p1 Ciations tions in 0r. car< Prevent Ceivabl1 benefit~ Dent, the m< United are a rr A mt is now COrnmu Huorida •nd its stratcd neering liow" A se1 :narnel' ine in search I of dent to be ' amount "'•itcr 1 h0od w: •nc] tha ath e U r Uorosi1 ~ Puhl llOrid l.5 Pan A C( !\1dv 1 \at( 1. on lshcd ( of age fbl irth , I Uoride •% th lit . an do 1tle.frcc tJu 1 s lcsi olJows l.-tining 1tles _ "not1gh lllottlint l >.c:rs J inking wat o dull the xce resign rv.U J~\triotic cO ). C., \l•1i :est cities ew Yo~ ~alth Sc0i1 en-year c0i:J ests, the c~ii dated, will 1Vater syst< es. The Jrdan claiJ11 :t that J(io 1st five tiiU' 1 ~s does 'e' 1te Ameri 1 my part of that man} ysicians, nor Id be rnisl recornrnc"' :edurc whi : plot, is u re ArneriC• ' of thinki1 s would Iv ering to e within 1dvocate 1 l States gi violence J pport of ' further th• strategy "Ji rater suPP ciples of 0 nation cloC t some of (1li ls have bi foreign P'' re present cnt and c I ;t readil~ 1 _ 1ed on /)Oge 1tion h o ''"' .1edical Heft THE CASE FOR FLUORIDATION r 11os1 who arc opposed to fluori­dation have not produced on their own any evidence that fluoride is not efficacious or that it is harmful. Their objections arc mainly theoretical and, to paraphrase an old Chinese proverb, one good experiment is worth one thousand opinions."11 The conscientious and highly trained members of federal, state, and local public health professional asso­ciations study critically the investiga­tions in their field and do not lightly Or. carelessly endorse proposals For Preventive health measures whose con­ceivable harm might outweigh the hene6ts.30 Dental caries has been described as the most prevalent disease in the United States today. Decayed teeth are a major school problem. A measure to control dental caries is now available in the fluoridation of COrnmunitv water supplies. \Vater fiuoridatio'n is economicallv feasible, •nd its effectiveness has been demon­strated - it is no longer in the pio­neering experimental stage.:1 1 '1ow We learned About Fluorides A search for the cause of "mottled ;name!" led to the discovery of fluor­ine in water supplies in 1931. Re­earch demonstrated that the Sl'\·erity of dental fluorosis, as this disease came to be called, is proportional to the •rnount of fluoride present in drinking "'•iter during that period of child­hood when the teeth are being formed, and that, in the temperate climates of the nitcd States, endemic dental Buorosis docs not begin to constitute ~ Public health problem until the 1lOndc in the water supply exceeds 1.5 Parts per million. A comprehensive epidemiological ~1dy by the research staff of the ~ational Institute of Health cstah- 1shec1 (a) that children 12 to 14 years b~ age who have continuously, since e'tth, used water with an optimal Uoride concentration, have in general :bout two-thirds less dental decay 1~an do children who have used fluor­th~ ·free drinking water, and ( h) tl~at f is lessened amount of dental canes ~]]~\Vs the use of domestic water con­ldtning as little as 1.0 ppm of fluor­~ es - a fluoride concentration .low no11gh not to cause dental fluoros1s or ITtottling.at I' "<:-rs Font\! N1-:ws, September, 1956 Fluorine a Familia r Dietary Substance Fluorine is present in so many com­mon foods that the average adult diet throughout the United States contains from 0.25 to 0.30 mg. of fluorides per dav. Fish is relatively high in fluorine. Pahlum a widely used hah\ food, has or has had from' 8.0 to 1.5.0 ppm. Tea leaves have a high concentration, ranging from 30.0 to 60.0 ppm. Li\·er, which is prcscrihcd as one of our health-giving foods, contains fluorine.=i2 However, these food-home fluorides arc insufficient for optimal dental health, and many persons consider it practicable to make up this deficiency by adjusting the fluoride concentra­tion of the public water supply. At least three million people in the L'nited States, residents of 845 com­munities in twenty-seven states, use a community water supply in which fluorides in concentrations of LO ppm or higher are naturally present. In many cases these water supplies have been in use for generations. Except for dental fluorosis when the fluoride con­centration is high, the health of these people is apparently comparable to that of people who reside in ~earby fluoride-free communities. Stuchcs re­veal that cumulative toxic effects following the use of such water are highly improbable. A review pub­lished in 1950 summarized the evi­dence pointing to the conclusim~ that there is no public health hazard m the use of drinking water containing 1.0 ppm of fluorides.33 Newburgh-Kingston, N. Y., Tests ewhurgh and Kingston, New York, located about thirty-five miles apart on the Hudson River, each with a population of about thi1'.y thous~nd and each using a fluonde-defic1ent water supply, were chosen for com­parative study of the effects of fluori­dation. ewburgh's water supply was treated with sodium fluoride on .\lay 2, 1945, bringing its fluoride content up to 1.0, while Kingston served as the control area, continuing to use fluoride-deficient water without change. After ten years of fluoride expcri­c• ncc, dental clinical and rocntgcn?­graphic examinations reveal that cl11l-drcn ages six to nine in :'\ewburgh who had been drinking fluoridated water all of their lives had a D\IF (Decayed, ,\l issing, and Filled) rate for permanent teeth 58 per cent IO\\'er than did Kingston children of the same age. There were about six times as many children in Newhurgh, ages six to nine who had all their deciduous cus­pids' and deciduous molars present and cm·ies free than noted in King­ston. Among the 438 children in New­burgh who had had continuous resi­dence since fluoridation began, forty­six children had questionable fluorosis, twcntv-six had verv mild fluorosis. and six sh~wed mild A~t0rosis. There were no instances of moderate or severe mottling. Questionable, very mild, and mild fluorosis invol"e slight whitish Hecks or opaque areas on the enamel surface without any breaks in surface continuity, excessive wear or staining. Classification of fluorosis in these de­grees is based wholly on the extent of the tooth surface involved, and only a highlv trained eye can detect these stage; of mottling. None of the in­stances of dental Auorosis in New­burgh children was disfiguring. The 'ewhurgh-Kingston study has demonstrated beyond question the ef­fccti\' eness and safety of water fluori­dation as a puhlic health procedure.34 Natural vs. Controlled Fluoridation The onlv difference between natural and controlled fluoridation from a chemical standpoint is that natural fluoride enters the water supply through leaching of fluoride-hearing rock traversed hv water, as compared to the controlled addition of fluoride compounds hy machinery. The form of the fluorine in the water in either case is that of the fluoride ion. It is of (Continued on page 44) :!•Lbell, Earl, Scil·nce Editor of th<.· \'cu: York llerold Tribune, from Tou.·n Meeting. Bulletin of \m('rica's To'' n ~IC'etinJ:t of the Air, \fay 20, J 9.154 . 'St. Louis ~1edic.1l Socidy, "\Vat<'r Fluorida­tion," ..\ti..nouri .\fcdicine, F<•hnrnry, 19.')4, pp. 124- 142. 111Dt•an, II. Tr<·ndl(')', D.D.S., fonnt.•r dC'ntnl. di­n..• ctor of U. S. l1uhlic lle;\lth Service, •·fluorida­tion: \lass Control for Dl•ntal Caries," American Journal of .\'ursit1g, Fl'l>nrnry, 19.52. .. ; ·al ll!:Knutson, John \\'.. D.D.S., Dr. P. JI.. A1~ E': - uation of the Grand lfapi<ls \\'utn Fluondaho~ ProjC'ct." Tiie Journal of T11c Miclliμan State Mcclr­cal Society, Se1>kmh(·r, 19.54. 1~~~.~'.b~i':~~~mi.?)oton Curies-Fluorh~e Study: .Finni Ht.·port," Tlic Journal of t11('. 1h~u1rnn Dental Association, March, 1956, pp. 290-3-.5. Page 13 taxation The Primrose Path / ning, the Mr. Vollmer, associated with tht income< railroad industry since 1902, has bee~ 'defend president of T exas and Pacific Rail· of the !if way Company since 1945. A moll1 It becor other activities, he is a director arrd dedicate• vice-president of the Community Clie·' j security wul Co1111dls of America, Inc. He /rn' 1 ~It rega· won wide re('ognition for his colfl· ~ eharrn By W. G. VOLLM ER President, Texas and Pacific Railrrny THE concept of national economic planning for the people's wel­fare had its inception in the twenties, long before \\'oriel \\'ar Il or the Korean conflict. Since that time, it has gained stc•adily in strength, in scope, and in adherents. In the turbulent and tortuous his­tory of nations, the principle of eco­nomic planning is nothing new. It is the ' 'crv kcvstonc of communism, just as it w~s of nazism and fascism. \Vhen any go,·crnment takes over the peacetime planning of the eco­nomic affairs of its people, it becomes also the high executioner of individual freedom and opporhmity. In the drafting of the Constitution, our Founding Fathers must have rec­ognized the inherent evil of national economic planning for the} made no provision for such gow•rnmental acth·­itics. As a matter of fact, man} of them Red their native countries to escape the serfdom "hi ch such planning im­posed. In times of peace no economic plan of the federal government is worth the paper it is written on unless it is sup­ported with the power of execution. And the power of execution carries with it the power to control individual action and to destroy individual free­dom. A planned economy b} a central government means precisely what the word "planned" implies. It means that the federal govern­ment assumes the right of exercising control over certain phases of the eco­nomic affairs of the people. Govern­mental officials and bureaucrats de­cide '' hat thev conceive to be good for the people a~d thPn issue orders tell­ing them what tlwy can and cannot do. Our farm pro!(ram is a case in point. Page 14 The once rugged and independent farmers ha,·e surrendered a consider­able measure of their freedom of action upon the altar of artificial sceu­rih disguiwd as a "fair return" for th~ir products. The farmers now plant whatever crops the government decides upon. \ nd thev also market their products in a mannt:r carefully prescribed and rig­idly aclministl'rcd by the government. Planned Economy Destroys Freedom The farm program is hut one seg­ment of our national economv which has given way to national pianning. ~umerous programs control in vari­ous ways thP supply and the price of food , clothing and shelter, while' con­trols of one form or another are exer­cised over Pmployment and wages. In times of peace if we accept the principle that the federal government possesses tlw right to plan any seg­ment of our economic welfare, then WC' must he prcparPd to relinquish the right to individual freedom. \Ve cannot ha,·c both. Any disposi ­tion to temporize or compromise thl' principles of freedom mc•rely strength­ens socialistic planning. Evef\! real \mcrican has within his heart a· sincpre desire' to sec cvcf\!Onc properly frd , clothed, sheltered, .edu­cated, employed at good wages, se­cure in his job, in his health, and in his old age. There is a wide di!Icrcnce of opin­ion, however, as to how all of these things can be obtained. Some people look to the government to provide them. The} expect the government to produce an economic miracle. It cannot be done that way. The government itself produces nothing. It pany ' s 1.1 1stt. tutw. 1wl type o f acl ve rti·« 'll osfe m. g, stressm. g the lu.g hest u. l ea l s o f thl 1negn tt oo a American way of life. Zens, or I PriVilegc I lllUni tics 1lruction 0Pporh11 Those is the people who produce the good· and services that make life richr more comfortahlc, and more cnjo~ able. . "' The only way to provide more tJ11nj for morl' people is for the pCOP themselves to produce more. The soh1 tion thus rests with the people, not tlit government. In times of peace the national ph10 ners of our nation have supported an advocated the principle that the go' crnment, when vested with the powtl to distribu tc income and procluctid~· can bring about an improvement 1 j the material welfare of all the peoPl' This is economic nonsense, for \'I more the government provides, t; I more it impoverishes the peoP through increased t<L,ation. Government Must Take Before Giving It is tJ1p belief of those who s~ subscribe to our constitutional clcJll' cracy, and thus often arc accused 1 being reactionaries, that it is the ~ sponsihility and the right of the in< 1 viclual to produce according to I~ capacity and to consume or disposeh~ what he• produces according to ·r own judgment, provided lw resp<" tlw similar rights of others. h'' The Constitution does not say t !ill the federal government, acting in t ~ capacity of an economic planner, sh· 'I promote the welfare of one person the expense of another. . • Nor docs the Constitution pr0'1 ~ I that the federal government has 1 I power to capture through taxatiOO portion of a person's income and th distribute it, in the form of grants·1 ' aid, to others. iii A government which promotes 3 practices in times of peace, thro11 FACTS Fonl" \'E\vs, September, Jrff nornic p 1ndividu the supr Those lllent sh ,0ornic ~ share-th CipJe is St1rnptio1 taxation and national economic plan­ning, the distribution of the nation's l with tht income and productivity ceases to he 2, .lws be~;. 'defender of equality and justice and acific Rar of the life and property of the people. 5. A 111011t It becomes, instead, a government 'rector a11d 1edicated to taking one man's earned unity C/r eil >ecurity and giving it to others with­Inc. He /r ~, 1 "lit regard to the desires or wishes of · his corll' the earner. >/ atlvertii· Those who contend that tlw gm·ern­leals of 1ht lllent of the United States owes a liv-illg to any citizen, or group of citi- 1 1.e?s: or that it should provide sp<'eial PnV!lep;es and hcn<'fits to various com- I lllUnities, ar<' contributing to th<.' cl<'- 1lrtiction of freedom of action and of 0PPortu n i ty. Those who contend that federal ('to­e the good· ~0rni~ planning is superior to that of life richer 1~drv1dual planning arc advocating norc enjo~ ' e uprcmacy of the state over man. Those who contend that the govern­more thin\!' I ~ent should engage in national ('CO­the Jcopl I , 0mic planning are advocates of a Th~ solu share-the-wealth" principle. This prin-rJep. le n'o.t t~ (ipf e i.s prec 1r· catccI upon tIi e f a 1s c as- , 111rrption that private saving is a sign itional ph10 pportcd ao hat the go' h the po"·~ >roductid!I rovement i I the peopl• lSC for ti I rov"rc1 es, tiI the peoP · n. se who s~ 'ional dcrll' ~ accused 0 it is the f'. of the ind1 Jril ding to ~ )r dispose ding to h~ he rcspcCti ). t not say tP: I 1ct.m g 1·n tJrl lanner, sh·,1 I 1c person ·JI tion pro'' 1cnt Ii as thl 1 h taxation 11e and th• of grant1·11 t' "er Fonu'>r 'Ews, September, 19.56 of greed, and that the accumulation of wealth is a sign of selfishness. As these are precious rights the government should never use its power in times of peace to seizt' the fruits of one person's labor and distribute them among those whom the government dt'ems worth) of its benevolence and its bounties. Those who contend that the federal go,·ernment should provide the man's material welfare overlook the vital fact that th<.' only sec11rity any person can have lies within himself. Government Can Distribute Only Poverty and Enslavement Unless man is free to act as an indi­Yidual, free to he productive in his own behalf, I rec to cktennine what part of his production he wili consume and how much he will save, and frt'e to protect his savings and his property, lw will have neither freedom nor secu­rity. it sho11ld be rt'peated owr and over aga111 that the federal government cannot provide the people either with U.S.A • goods or scr\'iccs, or with real seeurity. The government cannot make peo­ple rich. But it can make the rich poor by t;ning away their substance and hy stilling their initiative and their incen­tive to work, to prod11ce, and to sa\'e. The only thing the government can dish·ih11te evenly is poverty and t'n­shn ·ement. These things are achie\'ed through excessive taxation and regi­mentation, both of which are the prin­cipal tools of all economic planners. It is worth recalling here what the Greek writer Plutarch, \\ho liwd nt'ar­lv nineteen hundred vears ago, had to silY about hene,·olt;nt gm·ernments. Ile made this ohser\'ation: 'The real destrowr of the liberties of the people is he ~vho spreads among them bounties, donations, and bene­fits." \11 economic plannt'rs should ll('ed that great truth before the principles of our constitutional dt'mocraC\' han· been weakened and made imiJotent. The people of the nation also sho11ld heed it. (Continued on page 52) Page 15 R·po11T1,c. \merican facts and governmental policies on a global scale is the responsi­bilitv of the United States Information Age~cy, of which 1'Ir. Theodore C. Streibcrt has been director since it was separated from the State Depart­ment in 19.53. This agency plays a key role in communicating to peoples around the world the content and the meaning of our foreign policies and the principles by which Americans live. As a guest of Reporters' Roundup, :\Ir. Streibert was shown traditional courtesy, and acccptc•d in good grace the challenging questions of :\Ir. L. Edgar Prina, Senate correspondent of the 'Vashington Ei:ening Star, and :\.Ir. Donald O'Connor, Washington corre­spondent of the Detroit Times. :\Ir. Eugene Castle, author and outspoken critic of the US!.\., in an earlier Re­porters' Roundup interview had in­sisted that a more efficient propaganda campaign could be conducted if the informational activities no" dealt with by the UST.\ were returned to the State Department. \I any of the q ues­tions fired at \Ir. Strcibert were based upon \Ir. Castle's statements. :\loderator Robert F'. IIurlC'igh, com­mentator and director of \Vashington operations for :\lutual Broadcasting Company. stated that Soviet Russia is no\\ pursuing a dual foreign policy ,d1ich at first glance may ap1war con- Page 16 REPORTERS' ROUNDUP INTERVIEW OF Theodore C. Streibe Director of the U. S. Information Agency and thm to be f01 doubt if nussia ii "As a inserted it beeTJ ~she Stalin - degree t to help I nd tha here Y• tion, it Characterizing as " wholly irresponsible" Mr. Eugene Castle Publishe ~ Ir. ~ this was il'Cret" charge in a recent Reporters' Roundup interview that we h spent 700 million dollars on worthless propaganda without i proving the situation , this official spokesman for USIA disclo "the other side of the coin." a Pur~o! n eclito1 cizecJ th Mr. Streibert points out the necessity for a reasoned approo' this way to the circumstances of each foreign country through USIA's mor 1 "\Veil Prina ~ med ia of communications. i(h ' rt1shc tradicton, hut in \\'hich all individual actions f~ll into a regular pattern. "Some officials in \Vashington," con­tinued :\Ir. Hurleigh, "describe this rPadjustment as a major turning point in the struggle between communism and freedom perhaps initiating a new phase in what is called the cold war. This phasl' is npw only insofar as the Scl\ iets ban• added a new clement to their old policy. That policy, pur­sued from the start of the Bolshevist regime, usl's propaganda, force, threats. and infiltration to promote world-wide Communist ends. :-.Ir. Hurleigh referred to President Eisenhower's suggestion that all Americans "ho go abroad should bc­coml' ambassadors of good will to help make the trnth of America's peaceful goals and our respect for the rights of others kno\\'n to mor<' people over-seas. Khrushchev's Speech a Good Tool :\Ir. Prina prefaced a question b) pointing out that the \ 'oicc of America has been broadcasting Khrushche" 's speech in which he clcglorified Stalin before· the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party. "Can you t<'ll nw, \fr. Strcihert," he asked, "just how this c•ffort on the part of the Voice of America is aiding our propaganda cllort?" "\\ 'e ll, this is th<' grc·atcst confes­sional for our purposes," replied \Ir. People o asa mea "It ma Streibcrt, "that has ever been. It sho , hert. "Yo the extent of the terrorism and 11 ' ~hrt1shc tyranny that is practiced under rech, I Communist dictatorship.. It is t\ ept fro1 hope that the dcnunciat10n ma} ll<lse wa! effC'ctive internally in some areas; • of accon the other hand, the very ones who·' \II we ] denouncing these practices parl1 ' llious ris pated in them. Also it shows tl1•1t 1 non-democratic government can ciir" V()A a,. on these terroristic practices a!Z•11 the people as well as Party mernbt ti ln ans This pronouncement is not against~ on rcg1 rorism as practiced against the pcO 11 ~ere .att of Russia. It is directed against t 1 l!)enca Party members only." ~~ech i That the Voice of America di~!~ St01 ~e o comment on the speech, but siflll~ re1bert broadcast what was believed to be tii' \t"That authentic version, was pointed out j t{ O'C \fr. Prina, who asked, "Ts there n°\I 1nk tha danger that the present regime 01i~ !!as.ts are use this to gain sympathy for it>\ I ~Jamm1 which, of course, would not work ., Yes," our benefit?" 'Ii e get t "\Ve arc commenting on it no'' lti any fr corrected :\Ir. treibcrt, "althoul(h . l\rany di first we gaw only comments of nt'.11 ! e get papers and editorials on it. We \\·,lit' j il!)ing 1 until the Daily Worker printed it ,is h· sate] authentic, if unofficial, text. we • I 1a 1ch in fully aware that it is their real ptll1~ i "'~llling to gain sympathy for themselves. r., h s ther are trying to get in a position of fli1 \~rd th di~ting Stal'.n and exposing tl~e t ~scow. thmgs he did as compared with , · Ir, St good things they are going to do. Jill' f!ttr for a ever, I don't think the satellite pt~'I te bei 1 I\,.__ FArrs Fonu'r NEws, September. ··•• F and those of the free world are going to be fooled by that in the slightest. I · doubt if it even fools the p oplc of b Russia itself." e . "As a matter of fact, .Mr. Strcibcrt," lllserted Moderator Hurleigh, "hasn't ~LbeeTJ said that the speech by Mr. "'lfUshchev - the downgrading of Stalin - was actually leaked in some degree to the outside world in orckr to help their present propaganda - •nd that behind the Iron Curtain, Where you arc beaming this informa­tion, it has not been allowed to he iene Castle Published?" iat we ha• thi ~Ir. Streibert acknowlcclgecl that s was correct. "They try to hep it without i ~ret," he stated, "and obviously for )/A disclo¢ a Purpose. In fact, most surprisingly, a? editorial in the Daily Worker criti­~ · ;~~ed the Kremlin for handling it in ed approo "US way." US/A's moll p !Veil, actually, though," asked \ Ir. ~hna, "wa~n·~ it sup~oscc~ to he I rushchcv s 1cl a to give 1t to the People of the Soviet Union piecemeal, "'_a measured campaign?" L It may he that," replied \fr. Stn•i- •ccn. It sh0't ""h"r t · "Y ou can' t f at Ii om t Ii c1·r purposes. ism and 1 I\ n1shchev did say at the encl of his :eel under ~ech , as you know, that it must be . It is tW ept from the press. \Vhat their pur­tion maY ~ ~se was, or how devious their means me areas: ,1. ~ accomplishing it, we do not know. ones who ·~ II We know is that this is an enor­tices par!I 1 lllous risk that they are taking." ;hO\\'S tJi;ll ent can C'Jrl' VOA Broadcasts Jammed ;tices al(•111 rty membt t' In answer to Mr. O'Connor's quC'S- ~t against 1' 10n regarding whether the Russians st the p<'°r11 ~ere attempting to jam the Voice of against 1 1 lllerica broadcasts of Khrushcl1cv' s . ell ?~ech as they have other USIA or erica cl1d 1 St01ce of America broadcasts, \fr. > but siflll~ ibert answeretl in the affirmative. vecl to be 1~ \[ hat prompts the question," put in >intccl out 1 th~· O'Connor, "how effective do you s there no ""'.nk that the Voice of America hroacl-i~ ...,,ts ·egime n1 • i . arc? Are the H.ussians succeC'ding hy for ii'' 0Jamming them?" not work ~·e l'cs," replied Mr. Streibert, "hut "' get through. You see, we have so on 1't ii<l'' I·l·l• an,, , f requ ncies and t I1 ere are so "althoul(h 11 : \\'any different reception conditions. 'nts of 0~1 I llJ e get constant reports from people ~· We ."'·1:' tli:ing 0~1t of the Soviet as well as mtecl it ·1 ·, IVh' ~atelh.tes - newspaper people - ·ext. We I ~ !ch indicate that we do get through real pu~ I 11;niing. Our own program director iselves. . ne s there only a few weeks ago. He tion of rt( \[•rd the Voice right in the middle of :ing the 0scow " ·eel with 1 ._ \1r. S~eih rt asked by i\fr. O'Con- ( to do. J(t11 t"iltl t f Or an estim' ate of the size of audi- :ellite pt"'! tc being reached behind the Iron 195 ).' ~r 'ember. :rs Fo11ux1 NEws, September, 1956 Curtain, said that there is no means of telling. However, it is a regular prac­tice, he disclosed, to ask everyone coming out of Russia, diplomatic peo­ple, visitors, newsmen, etc., whetllC'r they have heard anything about the Voice. 'We find," he concluded, "that people arc aware of what is said on the Voice, and that people' do hC'ar it. \Ve have regular meetings of our agency personnel to appraise informa­tion received which leads to this defi­nite conclusion." "You mention, for the most part, people coming out of \loscow," \fr. O'Connor said. "I am \\·ondering in the vast steppes of Southern Russia, and in the sections which we would probably term 'rural areas' in this country - is the average peasant or Hussian person getting these ... " "No," replied Mr. Streibert, "we don't think that the average peasant owns a receiving set. \Ve arc getting to a higher grade of person, who may he a manager or submanager, or a Partv functionarv of some kind. These are i;rohably Pa;ty people' for the most part, hut not exclusively so by any means." " Propaganda" vs. Factual News "Do you think that our propaganda has much effect upon the average Party member?" asked i\fr. O'Connor. "\Veil, you misunderstand what we are trying to do," Mr. Streihcrt replied. "\Ve arc not trying to propagandize those people against tlw Communist Party when they arc members of the Party . .. " ''You say we don't hope to influence them or change their minds?" intcr­~ uptcd Mr. O'Connor. "That would be like propagandizing 11s against freedom and democracy," replied Mr. Strcibert. "It would fall on deaf cars. \Vhat we are trying to do is to give them the news of the outside world as it really happens - particu­larlv the news about the nitecl States anci about Western powers so that they will get the facts about what is happening and what our policies real­ly are." "But for what purpose, \fr. Strei­bert," inquired Mr. O'Connor, "if we don't hope to change their minds?" "A very specific purpose," fr. Sb·ei­bert insisted. "If they find that what is actually going on in the outside \Vcst­ern world is different from what they are learning from the Kremlin, it be­gins to open up doubts as to the valid­ity of the Kremlin's statements on all matters having to do with foreign pol­icy and perhaps will ultimately shake their faith." "Then we do hope," ~fr. O'Connor said, "that it's not falling on deaf ears - that we may influence them to some degree." "Well, yes, but we are not doing it by exhortation and by what you call 'propaganda,' " stressed ~fr. Streibert. "\Ve think, as I say, that news of the outside world and commentary, or ex­planations of \\'hat is going on in the United States, and what we are like - that those things h<n-c an effect." Stalin's Demotion Shakes Faith \fr. Prina questioned Mr. Streibert regarding recent reports that reveal worry on the part of satellite Commu­nists over the deglorification of Stalin. "Communists outside Russia are ask­ing the question,'' he stated, "why did these people laud Stalin until very recently, and now start saying that he was such a tvrant?" "It causes . great confusion in Com­munist Partv ranks, which makes it a H'ry fine cle~·clopment,'' said \fr. Strei­bcrt. "We are trying to promote it all we can.'' ~loclerator Hurleigh and ~Ir. Prina joined in bringing up the point that this has been true in ltalv, in this countn·, and in France, as ~veil as in Comm~mist China, - that it is almost akin to the Stalin pact with Hitler. "Yes, it's a complete switch,'' \Ir. treibert agreed, "and a dHierent line. I don't see how it can fail to shake the faith of any intelligent person." "\Ir. Streibert, may I ask you one more question on the handling of this speech?" asked ~Ir . Prina. "Obviously you were in on the ground Boor of high government discussions as to how to handle it - the State Depart­ment announcement, and so forth. There have been reports that there was a considerable body of opinion among the top government officials that this speech should not be put out by the Department, but that it should pC'r­haps be leaked out, or handled infor­mally. Can you tell us anything about that?" ~fr. Streibert explained that he par­ticipated only in the decision that it should be released in total. Although there was some question of whether to release parts of the speech at a time, in his opinion there was general agree­ment that the whole document should be released at once. (Continued on page 47) Page 17 The Supreme Court Under Fire High-level criticisms of r ecent Supreme Court clcci ions have h elped fomen t nationwide prote ts from those who arc zealous in their defense of sta tes' rights. Facts Forum News, p re cnting the cu stomary pro and eon side of this controver sial issue, feels that the ease for the Supreme Court can he t he argued by publishing resumes of two of the Court's b etter-known decisions. Co~t'HO "° WEALTII OF P ENNSYLVANIA V. TEVE "'iELSON SU:\1.'1ARY: In this case the question was whether the federal Smit/1 Act, prohibiting the knowing ac/t;ocacy of the overthrow of the United States government by violence and force, s11perseded the Pennsylvania Sedition Act. The defendant, a member of the Communist Party, had heen convicted in the Pennsylvania state c011rts. Chief Justice Warren's opinion held that Congress had occupied the field to the exclusion of parallel state legisla­tion. The opinion of the Court, then, teas that the domi­nant interest of the federal government precluded state interr.:ention; moreocer, administration of state acts tcould conflict tcith the operation of the federal plan. Justices Reed, Burton, and Minton dissented. They asserted that the Court should not coid state legislation unless there was a clear mandate from Congress. Chief Justice 'Warren delivered the opinion of the Court. The respondent, Steve Nelson - an acknowledged mem­ber of the Communist Partv, was convicted in the Penn­sylvania court for violation. of the Pennsylvania Sedition Act' and sentenced to imprisonment for twenty years and a fine of $10,000. The Superior Court affirmed the convic­tion .... The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, recognizing but not reaching many alleged serious trial errors and conduct of the trial court infringing upon respondent's right to due process of law, decided the case on the narrow issue of supercession of the state law by the federal Smith Act.~ In its opinion, the Court stated: And, while the Pcnnsyhania st,1tute proscrib<'S S('dition .1gainst either the government of the United States or the gO\unnwnt of Pennsylvania, it is only allc·gc•d sedition against tlw Unitc·d States with whiC'h the inst<1nt case is conccrn<'d. Out of all the voluminous testimony we have not found, nor h;1s anyone pointed to, a single word indicating a seditious act or even utterance dirc•eted against the gon•rnment of Pennsylvania.' The precise holding of the Court, and all that is before us for review, is that the Smith Act of 1940,4 as amended in 1948,0 ''hich prohibits the knowing advocacy of the Page 18 overthrow of the government of the United States by fo and violence, supersedes the enforceability of the Penn11 vania Sedition Act, which proscribes the same conduct. I It should be said at the outset that the decision in ti; case does not affect the right of states to enforce th I sedition laws at times when the federal government ~ not occupied the fie ld and is not protecting the enlt country from seditious conduct. ... Nor does it limit tJI jurisdiction of the states where the Constih1tion and 0 gress have specifically given them concurrent jurisdicti& as was done under the Eighteenth Amendment and , Volstead Act. . . . 'or does it limit the right of the sti to protect itself at any time against sabotage or attempt•. violence of all kinds.0 or does it prevent the state fri' prosecuting where the same act constih1tes both a fedfl' I offense and a state offense under the police power .. · \Vhere, as in tlw instant case, Congress has not stat specifically whether a federal statute has occupied a £i in which the states are otherwise free to legislate, dilferl criteria have furnished touchstones for decision. Thus: This Court, in considC'ring thC' \iilidity of state laws in tli< light of ... fodC'ral laws touehing tlw same suhjcct, has rnade use of the following '"prc·ssions: conflicting; contrary to; occu· pying the field; repugnanec•; diffc.rence; irreconcilability; inc<>Of sistencyi violation; c:urtailnwnt; and interference. But none 0 these c•xprcssions providc•s an infallihlc constitutional tc·st or a~ exdusive constitutional rardsti('k. In the final analysis there c;ll' be no one crystal-ekar, dist111dly-markc·d formula.' . Congress determined in 194(! that it. was n~ccs~~ for 1t to re-enter the field of anbsubvers1ve leg1sh1tl which had bee~ abandoned by it in 1921. In that yr•1r I enacted the Smith Act. . . . , The Internal Security Act of 19.50 is aimed more dire'· at Communist organizalions.8 It distinguishes het-1 ' 1Pn Penal Coch• S<·ction 207, 18 Purd Pa Stat Ann S('ction 1207. 2 377 Pu .'58, IO·& A2d 133. 3377 Pa, ut 69, 104 A2d, ot 139. t,54 Stat 670. ·18 USC S<'ction 2:185. ;;l~~e:~. •;;n7v~do1~~--~~~2 a~i ~C)2, 67, 85 L ed 581, 586, 61 S Ct 399. ~.30 USC Sc<:tion 781 et <·<1 ' Id., Section 782 ( 3), ( 4). lL' Jd ., S<"ction 786. FACTS Fo11t1,r EWS, September, 1 .... Sediti It· IS a ~tosccul ~fend a th now I at SU( t<introJ ~ E:nfor llJ.lcr tatcs by fo ·the Penns1 e conduct. 1cision in tli ' enforce th' j Members of the Supreme Court of the United Stoles. Left to right, scoted: Felix Fronkfurter, Hugo Black, Chief Justice Eorl Worren, Stonley Recd, Wolliom 0 . Douglos. Stonding: Shermon Minton, Harold H. Burton, Tom Clork, ond John M. Horlon. 1crnmcnt 11' 'Communist-action organizations" and "Communist-front 1g the entir Organizations,"0 requiring such organizations to register rs it limit tb 1nd to file annual reports with the Attorney General, giv­ion and 0 lllg complete details as to thC'ir officers and funds. 10 t jurisdicti1 th. · . The Communist Control Act of 1951 declares "that nent and tl e Communist Party of the United States, although pur­t of the st· llortcdlv a political partv is in fact an instrumentality of t a .. # ' or attcmP' S -conspirac~ to OH'rthrow the go\ernment of the nited ~e state frt' !ates" and that "its role as the agenc} of a hostile foreign 10th a fed I ~\Ver renders its c.,istence a dear, pr<'Sl'nt, and continuing Jower .. · 1 <1nger to the Sl'Curity of the United States." 11 It also con­as not stat• '.ilins a legislatiw finding that tlw Communist Party is a :upied a 6 ~ornn11111ist-action organization" within the meaning of late differe . e Internal Securit} Act of 1950, and proddes that "know­on. 'Thus: 'ng" nwmbers of the Communist Part)' an• "subject to all . laws in th' Provisions and penalties" of that Act. .. . '" et, has rnad" j . \Ve l'xamine these Acts only to determine the congrcs­ary to; occu· 10nal plan. Looking to all of them in the aggregate, the bility; inCOJ l1Jnciusion is inescapable that Con"rcss has intended to But none !)(: " ial test or•'" ·cupy tlw field of sedition. Taken as a "hole, they evince 1sis there""" ~Congressional plan \\ hich makes it reasonable to deter- 1ne that no room has been left for the states to supplC'­vas necr»· I 'lJ~nt it. Therefore a state sPdition statute is superseded, e lcgisJnll 1 that yr•1' more dire<' hes bet''., 1207. 61 S Ct 3gg. I~ ' ~ardlrss of "hrtlwr it purports to supplement the fcd- ·ral law. .. . I Sedition against the L.:nited States is not a local offense. pt ts a crime against the nation. As such, it should he { 0sccutcd and punished in the f(•deral courts where this 1 ~fendant has in Fact been prosl'cutl'd and convicted and t~.now under srntl'nce. 13 It is not onl) importanthu.t vital t/t snch pros(•cutions should he l''cl11s1vely "1th111 tlw JntroJ of the federal gon•rnnwnt. ... '' Q l::nforc(•ment of state sedition acts presents a serious an~cr of conflict with the administration of the federal l' >.r:r-s Font·,r '\i-:ws, Scplcm/Jcr, 19.56 program. Since 19.'39, in order to avoid a hampering of uniform enforcement of its program by sporadic local prosl'cutions, the fedrral government has urged local authorities not to intervene in such matters, hut to turn O\ er to thr federal authorities immediately and unevalu­ated all information concerning subversive activitirs. Thl' President madr such a rrquest on September 6, 1939, when he placed the Federal Bureau of Investigation in charge of im estigation in this field: Th" Altom<') Ct'mral has been rl'queslecl h) Ill<' to instruct Ill<' r\•cleral Bureau of lnH·st1g.1tion of the Dl'parlment of Jus­tit'(' to takt.• charge of in,·cstigati,·e work in matll'rs rt.'htting to t.•spionag:P, s.lhotag:(', an<l , -iolations of the neutrality n•g:11lations. This li.1sk must lw conducted in a <·ompr<.>h('nsin_• and t•ffecth·c manner on a 11alion;.1l h<lsis, and all information must he care~ fully sifted out and correlated in order to <l\<lld confusion and irn•sponsibility. To this .. ncl I r!'qu«st all polic<' ofli<ws, sheriffs, and all other law enforc!'lll!'nt offit'!·rs in the Umt~d St.tl!'s promptly lo turn oyer to the.• nc.·arc.•st repn·stntalin• of the Fc.•c.kral llurc.•au of I nn·stig;.tlion any infonn;ttion obtained hy them rt'lating to c.•..,pionaJ!<', c:ounll'r('spionage, sahota~c.·, suhn•rsin.• at:ti' ilies ;.tnd 'i0Lltio11s of thl' rn: utralit) laws.1 Jn his hr id the Solicitor General states that forty-two states, plus \laska and Hawaii, have statutes which in some form prohibit advocacy of thr violent on•rthrow of l'stahlished gm·crnment. These statutes arc entitled anti­scdition statutes, criminal anarcln laws, criminal syndical­ist laws, etc. Although all of thc'm arc primarily ~lirected 11 .50 USC ( 19:;.i; Supp ) St.·ction 8.U. lei., S( ·<;tion 8·11. (Conti11t1l'd on !'age 38) ·l ' nitl'd Stak .. ' . \lt.·.,aro:-.h [:\elson] DC P.1) 116 F Supp .H.'5, a ff cl. ( C.\:)d ) 22.l F2d 1-H>. cnt ~r 3.50 t.:S 9 22., JOO Ltd ( Ad\,\nc.·t· 1l 1:37 ) , 7Cl s Cl 218. 11:377 P.•, ,\l 76, 10 i \2d. at l 12. 1 Tlw Puhlic: P.1pt·rs 1111<l .\ddrt.·\-,rS of Fr.mklin D. Roo~t·H·lt, 1939 Volume, pp. ·178--179 ( 1911). Page 19 1--·-""- ' .~ TlO tv "·v "~· - Jl'~ rather ing t~ gists 2 Irat rnains zant < remaii saying to the Mw critici! from J ciatim of 28 t ing Ii L'nitec rnine · 1tate I Gove1 Alsc gov en ended Court Ution \Vere Court Siona!' laws 1 \!emt. laws t <·rnpt llnless Sen1 \tiss.) \Yis. J, nty S1 stated cusc ?eing Jt1dici· "follo~ \fo( his ti rnann1 Petcnt lvho n gress.' decisi1 Penns 5how ' irresp1 A c };',..crs stitut io~ - -------TH E SUP R EME C OURT UNDER FIRE Presented below a re the arguments of those who maintain that the Supreme Court is substituting psychology for law and soci­ology for the Constitution. These disturbed critics hold that fed­eral preemption has sounded the death knell for states' rights. J l'STJCT.S of the United States Su­preme Court have been accused of amending the Constitution rather than interpreting it, substantiat­in~ their decisions by citing sociolo­i: ists and psychologists. Irate citizens, seeing what little re­rnains of states' sovereignty and cogni­zant of the rapidity with which the remaining mite is being dissipated, are saying that the judicial line is forming to the left. Much of the present widespread Criticism of the Supreme Court comes from high places. The National Asso­ciation of Attorneys General, by a vote of 28 to 12, adopted a resolution favor­ing limitation of the power of the lJnited States Supreme Court to deter­rnine whether federal laws superccde 1tate laws. Governors Rap Court Also, the forty-eighth conference of governors at Atlantic City in June ended with a rap at the Supreme Court. The governors adopted a resol­Ution saying that conference members 1vere concerned by decisions of the Court, which have held that congres­sional enactments superccdc state laws and thus preempt those fields. \ !embers called on Congress to frame h11vs that cannot be construed to pre­empt any lleld against state action tinless such an intent is stated. Senators James 0. Eastland ( D­\ Jiss.) and Joseph McCarthy (R­\ Vis.), before a Senate Internal Secu­rity Subcommittee hearing on June 26, stat d that although they did not ac­bu~ e Chief Justice Earl Warren of . eing a Communist, his expressed tHdicial opinions have certainly hecn following the Communist Party Jim>." ,, \fo arthy said at the beginning of •us testimony that the ourt was lllanned for the most part by "incom­Petcnt, irresponsible, left-wing Judges IVho regard themselves as a super Con­gress." Ile added he thought that the decision in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. Steve Nelson case ~howed a "rock-bottom low in judicial 1tresponsibility." A disturbed public has begun to i;-ACI's FoRu~r TEws, September, 1956 Yiew the Court as an uncommon de­nominator, and feels that the newly­mintcd laws of aforesaid Court are contributing to a Disunited States of America. Representative E. L. Forrester ( D­Ga. ), speaking before the House of Representatives, quoted George \Vash­ington in his "Farewell Address": If, in the opinion of the p('Ople, the distribution or modification of the consti­tutional powers he, in any P•lrticular wrong, let it he corrected hy an amencl­nwnl, in the way which the Constitution clesignat('s. But l('t there h(' no change by usurpation; for though this, in one in­stance, may be the instrnment of good, it is the customary weapon hy whieh frt•c govcrmnenls arc dcstroyccl.1 Our revered first President was warning the people against the ,·cry thing which many persons say exists today. Critics maintain that the Su­preme Court is usurping functions which belong exclusively to the states and to Congress. The time was when the Court justi­fied the confidence of the people; it was a veritable roadblock in the path­way of any group seeking to weaken the American government. However, time changed things, say present-day critics. Vacancies occurred, and court­packing became the vogue. Then came an era of usurpation, an era which saw a rewriting of the Constitution. The Court decided that changed condi­tions called for changed laws, and began to read into the Constitution meanings which many people say were not intended by those who wrote the Constitution. Members Dissent Dissenting members of the Court htn-c themselves cried out against the Court's seemingly irresponsible actions in reversing not only long-standing decisions, hut even in reversing its own previous decisions. Justice Rob­erts, in the case of Smith v. Al/wright ( 321 U. S. 649), stated: The reason for my coneern is that the instant decision overruling one announced ahout nine years ago lends to bring adjudi­cation• of this tribunal into the s.1me class as a restricted railroad ticket, "good for thi• day and uain only."' Supreme Court Justice Reed, in a publication entitled Current Bio­graphy, is quoted as follows: If hy interpretation hased on modera­tion, social and economic e\pl'riments. we can a<h-anc<' steadily tow.ml our ohjectiw, we can avoid dan~<.·rous ('\pc:rimcnts of hmdamental constitutional change.• In view of the foregoing it has been claimed by many that there is an in­tention to change the Constitution, not by amendment, but by interpretation predicated on economic and social experiments. \Villiam 0. Douglas has stated that instPad of being bound b~ the Constitution, the Supreme Court may change its meaning to something more in line with the Court's ideas of modern needs. In his rpccnt book he stated that the charter of government must he kept current with the times, and that it should not be allowed to become archaic or out of tune with the needs of today. Douglas men­tioned, further, that it takes a new generation to catch a broader vision, and that this might require the undo­ing of the work of prcdcccssors.4 Question Is Raised The question is then raised by crit­ics whether, under such a system, the Constitution would come to have no meaning. In the past there has been a hesi­tancy to take the Supreme Court to task.. Being "supreme," it was thought that its members could do no wrong, that the J usticcs were worthy of re­spect and above criticism. ~ow , however, some people are saying that the J uslices have gradu­ally arrogated unto themselves execu­tive and legislative powers. It is charged that they arc attempting to run the government in accordance with their own philosophies. Rcpre­sen ta ti ve Francis E . Walter ( D­Penn. ), chairman of the Un-American Activities Committee, has said that sometimes Supreme Court Justices seem to live in ivory towers, with the blinds drawn." 18·1 Congrcuional Record ( 1956), pp. 8507-8. ']b;d., p. 8508. /b;d., p. 8509. 'Ibid., pp. 8509-10. "Ibid., p. A4332. Page 21 --------THE SUPREME C 0 UR T UNDER FIRE:-------- :\ recent newspaper editorial stated that the constitutional question before the American people, since Earl \Var­ren became Chief Justice of the Su­preme Court, was whether the Court was a third house of Congress that is legislating on its own.0 The Tenth Amendment states that powers not delegated to the United States bv the Constitution, nor pro­hibited bv it to the states, are re­served to ·the states respectively, or to the people. According to critics, the Supreme Court has ignored this amendment, for in case after case the Court has whittled awav the basic rights of the states.7 The I3ill of Rights notwithstanding, it has come to pass that if Congress legislates even on the fringe of an~ field, tlw conclusion by the Court has heen that such field will be occupied by federal law. This would allow the Supreme Court to divine the intent of Congress.R Suppose, then, that Congress passed an aid-to-education bill - might not the Court maintain that Congress in­tended to preempt the field of educa­tion even to the selection of text­books? The same holds true for the field of labor. H. R. 3, introduced hy Congressman Howard W. Smith (D-Va.), would re­store some measure of independence to the states. BrieA,, this bill states that no act of Cong;·ess shall be con­strued as indicating an intent on the part of Congress to occupy the field in which the act operates, to the ex­clusion of state laws on the subject, unless such act contains express pro­, ·ision to that effcct.0 Man Has Struggled Throughout history man has strug­gled for freedom. And, in realitv, there can be no freedom unless the;e is freedom from government. \Vhen the government acquires power, no matter what the pretext, it is always at the expense of indi,·idual freedom. \\'hen go\'Crnnwntal power goes up, the power of the people goes the other way.10 In view of this a great many persons are saying that the "nine-man­theme" being "played" by the Supreme Court is in reality a dirge for states' rights. Former President Franklin D. Roosevelt on \larch 9, 1937, comment­ing on a decision of the Supreme Court, said: Page 22 WIOF. WORt.D PHOTO Chief Justice Earl Warren, an Eisenhower ap­pointee, hod no previous experience as a judge. The Court, in addition to the proper use of its judicial functions, has improperly set itself up as a third llo11se of the Con­gress - a supcr-lc•gislat11re, as one of the J11stices has callc·d it - reading into the Constitution words and implications which are not th<'rc .... Our difficulty with the Court today risc·s not from th<' Court as an institution but from human beings within it." ot only have former Presidents taken exception to Supreme Court usurpation, but there are any number of men high in governmental circles who are worried by the way that the Court has disregarded precedent and sallied forth upon the "uncharted seas of pseudosociology and neo-Freudian psychology." 1 ~ Senator James 0. Eastland, Chair­man of the Senate Judiciary Commit­tee, stated in a speech before t!te Sen­ate that the only time when the high appellatt• court of any \Vestern na­tion rC'sortc·d to textbooks and the works of agitators to sustain its deci­sion was when the high court of Germanv smtained Hitler's racist laws. Senat~r Eastland went on to say, regarding the school segregation case, that the United States Supreme Court cited "modern" authorities as its au­thority to change the constitutional guarantees of the reserved natural right of the people to freedom of choice and of the states to regulate their public schools. One such au­thority on psychology to override the Constih1tion was Theodore Brameld. He is cited as having been a member of no less than ten organizations de· clared to he communistic, Communist· front, or Communist-dominated. Eastland stated that one E. Frank· Jin Frazier was another authority cited by the Court. The Bies of the Commit· I tee on Un-American Activities reflect eighteen citations of Frazier's connec· tion with Communist causes. Another authority cited by the Court, according to Eastland, was one K. B. Clark, a Negro so-called social I science expert employed by the prin· cipal plaintiff in the segregation cases· the AACP. Eastland said it was "un· usual" procedure for any court to accept a litigant's paid employee as an authority on anything, let alone as an I authority to he put above the Consti· tution. 13 Additionally, the Supreme Court, to support its findings, referred to }.fyi" I dal's An American Dilemma, 19.J.1 Myrdal wrote that the Constih1tion of the UnitC'd States is impractical and unsuited to modern conditions. And additionall;. that its adoption was al· most a plot against the common people. 11 Loyalty Questioned It is a matter of record that soO'le of Myrdal's associates are member~ 0J j organizations which have been cite" by tlie Department of Justice as sub· versivc. In fact, sixteen names arc ai· sociated with :\1yrdal in the writing]( An American Dilemma, 1944 - a "social experts." The Communist and Communist-front organizations with which the :\lyrdal advisers were afllli· ated are numbered in the dozens. ]I would seem, then, that the Court haS reversed the law of the land upon t]ir authority of men whose loyalty to thC United States is subject to grave ques· ti on. Hi H.epresentative Henderson Lanha11 (D-Ga. ), speaking before tlie nous<' on \lav 22, stated that the troubl< with th~ Court is not political corrt1!1' tion; rather, it is corruption of idea' (Continued on page ;;9 "LOT An~dt'T lfrrald-t~xvrcu, \lay 1.5, 19.'56. 7/l>id., p. 8.'373. Ibid %W . ~ 1''Frnnk Chodorov, ''Sl•f>Tl'ml' Court AJ!a1n'>t of Highl<i," lfuman En·nts (\lay 26, 1956). 1184 CouJ,:rt'.\Si<mol Jlecord ( 19.56), p. 7887. 1 '/IJid., pp. 7887-8. \ 11"\Vhal''l th<-• Story Bd1incl the SeJ!rt·J.(;1ti011 .S1 thonllt·s," Facu Forum .\'cu:., (S<•ptember, 19 pp. 28~29. UflJid, 1 J1•mf·S F. Jlyrn<'"· "Th<' Supn·nw Court \fud J" Curl)("d," U. S. 'Jcw1 and \Vorld Report ('\fl\Y 1956), '" .54. FACTS FoRuc..r 'ations de· ommunisl· ited. E. Frank· 1ority cited e Commit· I ties reflect r's connec· s. ed by the d was one J led social I f the prin· ttion cases· 'twas "un· court to oyee as aJl .lone as a~ I :he Const!· e Court, to !d to ~ryr· ma 19Jl· ;tih;tion of 1ctical and fons. And· on was al· 1 common that soJllf nem brrs of I been cite" ice as sulr nes are a» 1wnt·i n· ,.",o fI 944 - :ii nunist and tions with were afEll· dozens. JI Court haS d upon the ·alty to the :rave ques· I I on LanhaJll the noust' he troubl• cal corruv· •n of idC·1' on page j 15, 19.56. a Facts Forum News condensation of the book . .. Copyright 1954 by P. J. Kenedy & Sons 12 Barclay St ., New York 8, New York Used by special permission of the publishers. INTRODUCTION T his is a true story of well-nigh incredible events as they took place, and of the progress of a sensitive soul from the torments of darkness into the relief of light. The narrator is Dr. Bella V. Dodd, formerly a member of the
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