| Transcript |
Chairman, House Committee on Un-American Activities
Condensation of
The
Great
Pretense
A Symposium on Anti-Stalinism
Prepared and Released by the
Committee on Un-American Activities,
U.S. House of Representatives
SCHOOL OF DARKNESS
by BELLA V. DODD
Editor's Mail BaAket
Communism Defined
You nl<l\ be interested in mv definition
of c:ommu;1ism. .
Communism is a \lan-inspircd, \l osc:
o\\·-directcd. intc•rnational c:onspirac) of
hl\\ less m<'n ag.1inst civilization, basc•d
on a Cod-denying philosoph) of life, sustained
In faith in th<' dialectic. backc·d
In thC' d~rntion of fa11atical believers and
tl;e might of the Heel armies.
A Pat on the Head
J \\ll:S D. B \LES
BihlC' Dcpartment
I larding College•
Sc•atT) , \ rLmsas
\\"hc•nc•\c•r a fricnd disturbed b) the
pc-rils e11dangC'ring our nation says, "But
"hat ean I do about it? .. I anS\\-C'r, "Thc
first thing )Oil t«lll do is add )Oursclf to
the group of "C'll-111forl!1C'd, sound-thinking,
and so11nd-tall..ing .tlC'rt patriots. A11ything
you do m11st start with your being
i11formcd. lk,1d doc1nn<'nt<'d material
from rcliablc sourc:c•s. CC't the facts."
The article, "\\'hat's the I lul l.tballoo
\bout \!c-ntal Il C'alth~·· (Jul) issuC' ), is
a good C'\amplC' of eomprehe11sivC' factual
prese11tatio11 of a subjc·c:t. 111 this piece the
"\\ho, "hc•n , "hC'rc', "hat" of good rcporting
is augmc•ntC'd h) bac:l..ground
matc•rial. projection into future• <'ffC'c:ts.
a11d <I masterful corrcbtion of <'H'llls. all
this plus a flair for i11tcrcsti11g prcsc11tation
for good measure.
If rcprints of "\\'hat's the ITullahalloo
,\bout \lc>ntal I lcalth?" 0 arC' avail.tbk,
please send me copies to mail to friends.
LOH\"I·: 0\KES
3(.) 1.)-.\ Buena \"isl<l St.
J),1llas I. Te\as
[
0 f.D."S 'OTI· It i' n•).!rdkd th.lt rC>prints of
this article a.re not ;l\,lil.1hl<• to d.1tt·.]
" Of, By, and For" Attributed
To Webster
l h<t\'l' read \\ith interest thc June issue
of Facts L'ort1111 .\'eu;s, <t11d particularly
the article entitled, " Int erposition." The
three views of those who arc• for, those
"ho arc ag<tinst, and the moder<tlcs, arc
"ell presented and summarized in the
article.
Tod<l\, most of us are so busy "ith
our rc~pectiH' cbily activities that it
seems "<'ll-11igh impossible to find tinw
to do am f1111dame11t.tl n·ading - so far
as the f;111d.1111ent.tls of our government
arC' c:o11ec'rnc•cl. I do not know \\ lwthc•1
this is true• of editors. In any C\'t•nt. if you
h<tH'n't had time to re-read \\'ebstc•r's
rc•pl) to I !.tync• \\ ithin rc•cent ) C'ars, l
"·cnild like to he• presumptuous enough to
suggest that you dc·,·otc a leisurely and
dC'iightful CH'11i11g rc'-rcadi11g "hat is
pcrhaps the greatcst spcC'c:h C'VC'r delivc
·rcd in America. Jt is an amazing!) upto-
date a11alysis of many of the principles
i11,·oh c•d in our present da) problcms -
particular!) thc problem of inlC'rposition.
It is lil..C'\\ isC' a pO\\C'rful rc•mindcr that in
our dC'mocracy all po" er resides in the
pC'oplC' and not in ft'dC'ral or evc•n state
gmc·rnmc·nts. 111cickntally, it is i11tercsti11g
to ohs<'rve that \\"pbster e111111ciatcd
tlw "trinit) ·· in our gm·crnment 3.) years
before Li11c:ol11's Gettysburg \ddress.
Fm ll B. 111 L\IS
Jl C'lms & \lulliss
i\ttonH'\ s at Lt\\
3:!0-.)2-f La" Building
Charlotte' 2. '\orth Carolina
Reading the Score on Foreign Aid
\\' hatc•n•r action \\C' tal..C'. \\C' C'\PC'C'l
certain results. 111 spPnding .').') billions of
l<l\p<tyers' monc·y 011 foreign-aid give<
l\\ <l). \\ c· C'\pected to promote f riC'11ds
and hind Pr communism. I lave" e or hm·c
"C' not promoted thosc ends?
Comp<'t('11l authorities have rcportcd
that \\C' have fc\\t'r friends in countri<'s
O\'t•r "hich these vast sums havC' bc•en
scattc·rcd, than \\C' had before, and any
obsc•n·c•r can sec for himsclf that communism
has advanct'cl apace.
Take Franc<' and Jtalv for instancC',
\\ hC're "e han' spent e;1ormous sums.
I IC're in sonw places \\C' find signs postC'd
".\mc•ricans Co 1 lomc." .\ s to communism
in thPsc t"·o countriC's, thcy havC' gai11C'd
strC'ngth ) C'ar h) ) C'ar in thc·ir lc·gis latnr<'s
until tod;n the•, ;trc• a rc•al menace to the
go,·c•rnme;tts. :\l so, co11sickr YugosJa,·ia
into "hic:h "c· han• pourcd .011C' billion
seven h1111drPcl millions of taxpayers'
money just \\h,tt hencfit have "e r<'c
·C'ived from that t'\JW11dit111c, with Tito
hac:I.. in the• arms of Hussia?
'\o" , l may stril..(' an unpopular note
her<' and l ma) be \\Tong, hci11g human,
but I ea1111,>t rc•sist vi<ualizing this
$.).) billion hC'i11g spent in our O\\ n countrv.
\ side and in addition to vast i11lC'r-
11,;I impron·11H•11ts, it could fortif) and
protC'ct us b) air, land. and SC'a to s11d1
an ('\l<'11t that it \\Oulcl not t><t) for all\
cm·m) to attack us. \\'e \\Ould thus han·
the protl'c:tio11 "hich \\'C' paid for a1
did not gt'l under thC' givc'a\\ a) progr.u
If \\(' ha,·c• to kccp on giving •l"•
money , IC'l's give it to our 11e\t-dc
neighbor, Latin ,\nwric:a. BPing 11C'iC
hors, they "ould be till' logical 011PS
look to for help if "<' C'\'C'r llC'C'dC'd i
The> also arc nwnacC'd h) communism.
S. :\!. :\! ,,,., \l.D.
I 0 East Fifth Stred
National City, Califon
What Might Have Been
Communism in Yugoslavia, .hill
India, France· or Hussia is the• samC'. It
out to dC'slrcl\ a ll the' frC'C'dom that 111
rC'mai11s in this "·oriel, ours included.
1 lc·rC' arc• a f('\\ items that \\C' cot•
ha,·c• had for the billions or mor<' 11
squandc·rC'cl 011 Comrade• Tito: fi\'C' 111
lion families cou ld have• had a IH'\\ r:
or C'kctric stovC' oftcn haclh nC'C'd<'d:
half-million st11clC' 11ls could
0
havp had
collC'g<' education, an c•clueatio11 that till'
young people could not gt'l for J,1c
of mo11t'\ ; ll"o thousand schools of a h,,U
million ~ach could havC' bC'C'n built. \\
need 11c•w schools dC'speratC'i); l\IO "'
lio11 IPadlC'rs could have• had <Ill i11cr<'"
of $.)00.00 per ) car, oftC'n the• cliff Pr<'"
bC'l\\t't'll sla) ing in tlw lC'aehing prof•
sion or going else'" here.
\\ 'hc•n \Oil aid the Communist
Yugoslavia". you aid the causC' of co111111
nism in Russia. I
S. C. So111.'"'
41 \\'. Erie St.
PaillC'S\'i llC', oli
Alternative for Income Tax?
Co11grat11l.itio11s 011 article' in Jul) iss•~
" \\' ill lnconw Tasc·s DC'stroy Capit.ilisr11
\\'ith the first portion of thc article
han• 110 commc·nts othcr than it spe111s
hC' fair and truthful. \\'ith thC' sC'concl I"~
arg1111w11ts of those "ho fC'd that 1
i11c·omc· tax is the• most equitable 111l'~
of .1c:n11111 rlati11g rt'\ C'1111c' to me it Ji
som(' truths, hut most!~ half-truths •1'
out right false statemC'11t~. .
To bC'gin "ith it is statcd: "l':li1!1111
lion of tht' income' tax \\'Ould fore<' \
fcderal go\'C'rn11w11t out of b11si11C'ss." 'f'
is an 1111lrnC' gc·11cra lizatio11. It eouid. '11
I thi11l.. should, forc:C' eurtaihne11t of ft
t•ra l g(J\"('rlllll('lll.
'\!'\l llH' slal<'me11t is mack: " \lt rr•'.
li\'C'S \\'Ollld he· gi;Ult i11cr<'<IS('S ill <4 ,
(Cmithwcd cm 1u1J!.t'
IN
Selectic
Fa
·c
A
Is
ST
T1
K1
Fluon1
!111,; Pn
lntervi
!1u: Sl
Con den
Boo!( R
V11
Soi
An noun
S£lll'q
'lk,.os
°f\' A'\o
Co\Tt:s IV,,,,"
Co,,,,
Poll ~
Poll R
S1.<Jc"
Fo
p~
paid for a1
\\·;1~ prop:r1.t1
giving a"
>ur next-clo1:I
Being nd~~
1gical ones
er needed 1
ommunism.
'· ~ !. D.
th Stred
it), Califon
a\·ia, Chin
lw same. It
lom that 1J1
ncluded.
~at \\(' COl"
or more \\
'ito: fin• 111
,c1 a n<'" , I ih llC'Cdcd.
0
hav(• h,1d
1
io11 that tht" 1 gd for ,,,c
ools of a h.tl \
·en built. \I
c•ly; two 111
d an i11crt·1
the diffcrcl>
ching prof•
ommunist
se of con1111
-:. So1n:"sr' I
\\'. Eric St.
l('SVilic, Qh
Tax?
in Jnl) iss11
Capit,11is11
the article t
tn it sccn1s
,(' second !\
feel th•1t t
1it,1blc nll"'
to me itl
df-truths '1
•d: "Elinii11
uld for~~· 1t I
\ISIJl('SS. 'f
It ('Ollld. ·'J I
lnwnt of ft I
dt·: .. \ 1tcr•
lS<'S ill ('\c~·
·d IHI JHif!l
IN TH IS
Volume 5
Number 9
September
1956
Selections from TIIE GHEA T PHETE:\SE
Fom;wono, Cong. Francis E. \\'alter . 2
o SOFT,t:ss " THE Kin. s11.", 1~11gc111• Lyons . ,'j
A TALK wn11 VonosrnLO\, \Vi/limn C. JJ11llitt 6
7
8
9
Is STAL11•is Rt'SSIA WE.\KL"I'G? Whittaker Chambers
STAL"1sx1 CoNTll\'UES, George /Hca11y .
Tim Lt nE OF PEACEFUL CoLx1sTE,CE, A11tlu111y T. Bouscaren .
K111n·s11c11Ev CoP1Es ST \LI'1, Lo11is J311de11;:; 10
11
14
16
18
23
Ftl;OR!DAT!O!\:? . . . . . . .
l'iU; Pnl\mOsE P·\Tll, \V. G. Vollmer . . . . . . . . . . . .
lntervi('w of T11EODOHE C. Snu:11n:nT, Director of U. S. Information Agenc)
l'iU; St.PHL'IE COl nT UxDEn FmE
Condensation of Sc1100L OF D"u"LSS, Bella V. Dodd
llooK R1·v11:ws:
V10L1'T Tnn:E, E. IT. llittchison .
Soc"L SEc:t'IUTY - FACT ''D F\'\'CY, Dillard Stokes
l\nnounc('m('nt of F \ CTS Fonu" '\/ Ews EssA Y CONTEST
Stlt1'1c Ot.n SYSTEM, Dr. George S. Benson
' lh:ADs \ V1LL HoLL" .
36
36
37
11
52
.56
60
61
62
63
64
64
64
l'\' A'D H \DIO Sc11EDlJLES
Co,.TEsT Rt LES .
IV1"""c LETTEHS To TllE En1Tons
Co\t\tt:'<IS\t's BoTTLl'D EFF1c11 ,<:,, Upton Sinclair
· Form for F \CTS Font \f CoxTESTS
Pott Qt'ESTIO's and POLL Qu»STIO' \V1'<XEHS
Polt H1:svLTS Fon Jt>LY.
St.O{;" Fon T1rn ~l ors:T11
For infomrntion n•μ;ardin).( n•prinl\, 'It'(' p>ll!<' ·16.
Photo Crl'dit. Front Co\(•r, Con'(. Fmnch K \V,11tC'r, Harri'! & EwinJ.!, \Vao;hingto.~,. 0. C.;
page 5, Et1).!{'llC Lyon'!, co .. mo Silt•o, Inc., ~('W York; J)[l.j.!(' 6. \\ 1lham C:·
Bullitt, pagt• 7. \Vhitt.ikn Clrnmlwr'I, pa).(t' 8, C,,•orgc Mca1.w, pa).!<' 1.0'., l.otn'I
Budt•nz, \\'kit· \\'orld Photo .. ; Jl.IJ.C<' 16, Tht•odore C. Stn·1hert, Hem I hoto ...
l7?J'f'ICJ.\J. PUBLIC \TIO:\ of Fach Fomm,_Inc.,
'th hc:k,011 Street, D1dl;1s 1, Tt•xa'i. ]>1~hh\hNI
~ lb 111 th<• int<-n·st-; .of Fact'! l'.orum parhc1pants
~ odt f•n., c..·onc.:·m<•d '"'1th clis1)(·)hnJ.:" puhlic npathy.
'rtt n -cla ~ maihng privilcf.{es nuthori .. (_•d at D.111.11,,
· Pnnh·d in U.S .. \.
P~~Rll 01· DIHECTOl\S' Hoh••rl 11. Dedman.
~· cij}1; John L .• Dnle, Vicc-Pn·'i1<knt;_ \Vnrn·n
~'1 F >t"rt, Jr., SC'crt.•tary; Joe ,,11,h, ·1 rN'iurt.•r;
·{'Of} ·~tr L.1mlwrth, ~frs. Sm· \lc:Crnry, Hohert
!!l.~O~ISOny B0.11\D. Major B. A. Hardey, Chair~
Siri {
1 Arthur A. Smith, Lloyd E. Skimwr, Din id v"'· II<: ~r, Harry K HoJ:Ci<'r, \Villiam ~. Hlanton,
nU 111{'· \. Hm'it'll, Jr .• Mrs. \VnllncC' S1n-nJ:CC', \V. G.
~Ian s·h.Doak \Valk<•r, I•:. E. Mc'f,nillen, C.o\('rllor
W~~~:~ 1\~~;;~t ~{ 11{\r(~~d.A: t~;;rtnrd'. \~~~·i~\~:~:1 <'l;,tj1~~
};'1Cts F9HU\1 i! n nntionwide puhlic rduc~'"
tf· t 0.rJCan1 ... l(ion cl<'dicalC'd to ar~m1,ini.: puhhc
li<:j 1 ~ currC'nt t·vC'nts nnd stimulntmg indiddu.11
t P.thon in tht• sh11ping of public policy.
~~~S FOR U\1 is nonprofit and non11:utisnn,
11 ~ no 1><>litical cnndichlle or p.lrty. Facts
!1-'C· r s Fonu.r 'Ews, Scpte1111Jcr, 1956
Fon11n's nctidties are designed to prC'sent not just
one , iew or n contro'e~i;1l issut', hut opposin~
\it•\\'i, hC'lit•,inJt th;\l it is the rii.:ht and the ohlij.?
ation or tht• American propl<• thcm'i<'l\(•<i. ~o team
llll tlw facts and c<>mt' to tlwir own <-"<m<.·lll'.;1ons.
FACTS FOHU~1 is unalternbly oppos<'d to the
Coinmnoht conspiracv. nnd U\(''i t·H•ry mt•;1n<; within
it<.; power to kt>ep -tlw American p<'ople nwnr<• of
tlw danj.?ers of comnninism.
SIG,ED ART ICLES np1H·aring in FACTS
FOHU\I 1\E\\'S do not 1wC<'ssarily n·prc1,ent the
opinion or thl' Nlitors.
\!Al\:USCHIPTS submitted to FACTS FOI1U~ l
'E\\"S 1,hould lw accompanied by stamped, st•lraddrt•'
i'i<'d l'll\t•lo1ws. Puhli.,hcr ns.,unw<; no rcspnn-
1,ihility for n•turn of unsolicitC'd m11nu'icripts.
SUBSCHIPTIO'.\'" H.\Tl<:S in thr U.S. nnd U.S.
pms<"~sions, $1 p('r year, $5 for two y<•ars. nnd S_7
for .') yt'ar'i. All otht•r countriC''i, $4 per yenr. 1 o
suh'icrih<', sec pnJtt' 64 .
CII.\:\CE OF ADDHE S: St•nd old addre'is
(exactly as imprinted on nrnilinl-! lah<'I or you~
(.'()pr of the magazine) and nrw ndclress to FACTS
)'"()HUM 'E\VS. Dcpnrtmt.·nt CA. Dallas 1, Texas.
Pkase allow three weeks for chan~eO\cr.
Don'tMiss ••.
II TIE
NeKf/6911e
OF
Facfg Fotum Newg
Freedom's Fortress and
Chiang Kai-shek
J ohn Cnlcl,; e ll, wcll-kn o,;n n e,;•nHt
n a nd uulhor, g h e1' fi rM-ha nd account
of ForntOha's re..,i~au n ce to Red
China.
T his j .., p a rti c ularl) n e ~ s ~ o rth ~ due
to ~icl es prc-.u l rumors th a t Red China
~ i ll be admitle cl to the United 'at ions
fo ll o~ ing the e l<'cti o n "i in s pile o r the
l)rOte~ t h o r the United States a n d des
pite con gre:-.s io n a l disap1>rova l.
Interview of A.D.A.'s
Joseph L. Rauh, Jr.
Are the America ns for Democratic
Action a lig n ed ~ith the Dc1nocratic
l'a rt~·?
Dof's A.D.A . .ad voca te a n e~ 1najor
J>ar l)?
\\-ith th t.•se and o ther questio ns as
a mnu1nitio n , and Jo ... eph L. 11. a uh,
Jr., Nat ion a l Ch a irman o f the America
ns for Dem0<.·ru ti (' Acti o n, a~ target,
a team o f sh arp-sh ooting n e ~ @ nte n
pinpoint the a iJns and p ur poses of
1hc A.D.A.
Pro and Con on
Status of Forces Treaty
Co n g rc~o1;; 111 a n Frunk T. Bow ( ROliio)
cle n oun(·e., th t.• t r{'U t) ~hi le
Co n g rcs~ m a n J am<'Pl P. S. Dc\C'reux
( R -M ar~ lnnd ) dcfrn<ls it. An engagin
g ba tlle o f w ord ~ i., <' ll <"onntcred in
their conflictin g o p in ions.
Do Vets Need a
New Pension Law?
Cre diting and di .,crediting the n eed
for a dditio n a l H~ t cran s' be n <" fi ts are
t~ o of the foremo.,t a uth orilies on
thi1' subject.
Mr. T. 0 . Kraabd, Direc tor of
Nation a l Re h a b ilitation Dt.~ partm e nt
o f th e Ame r i('an Lt"gio n , urges the
adoption o f th t" Ame ri <·an Legion·
~ p o n so red " 'ar Vc t f' ran ~ Sccurily Bill.
Co n g r ess 1n n n Olin T en ~u e ( DTexas),
a \ Ctcran n ncl n1c1nbe r of the
Ho use Vcr e ran Affair.., Committee,
oppo;;;es th i l c~hi l a tion . F a(' t i;i nre the
reagent u . in cla r ir) ing this cloude
d issu e .
Pa~e 1
•
I
SELECTIONS FROM
<great
A Symposium on Anti-Stalinism and the 201
Con g res of the So vie t Communist Pal'I~
published by the Committee on Un-America
Activities of the U. S. House of Representathf"
Cf'reten"e Ma ny o f the writ e rs who eontrihute,l it11
vidua l artides to this symposium ai·e fa111ili
with the inner workings of the oviet 11iP
';Joreword
and internation a l communism. Ch a irmatl'
the Committee, Franc is E. Wa lte r , po int!
the fact that "while [the thirty-nine contri~
tors] vary in a pproach and e mph a~ i s, th•
agree, without exee 1>tion , that the ulti1!1•
importance o f anti-Stalinism will de rive ~r ,I,\ , kew pie
from the dis position made of Joseph ~ to 11 Po '
0••terc1
" "csl· •er plan
but from the reaction to it by the "
l to try tc
the ~ur;
H11ssia
raise c~r
By FRANCIS E. WALTER , Chairman
rif freed
'lice of
l'he j
'Whe n hour~eoi s diploma ts ar e pre pa ring for wa r they he~in to shout m o r e stron~ly ahout " peace" \~ti vi ti 9
"friendly r e la tions." If a n y Foreign Ministe r begins to d efend to the death the " 11eaee confe r ence," you rl
h e sure " his ~ovcrnment" has a lready placed its orde rs for new dreadnau~hts and airplanes. ,\ d i1>lo•1
'.
9
•
words must have no r e la tion to aetion - o the rwise what kind of diplomacy is it? Words a re one th'~
actions anothe r. Good words a re a mask for the con<'ealmenl o f had deeds. Sin C'ere diplomacy is no 1110
'
possihle than dry water or iron wood . - JOSEPH ST \LIN, Elections in Peter sburg.
il<)sinrn
leqnat1
"Ilion ol
fro i11 the
lhe con
the rnan
~na the
1rects
THE campaign of anti-Stali~ism
proclaimed by '\ikita Khrnshchev
at the recent 20th Con~ress
of the Soviet Communist Partv has
shaped itself into what may emc~gc as
the most formidable challenge ever
presented to the West by the Kremlin.
The spectacle of J oscph Stalin's
posthumous purge is all the more dangerous
because of the confusion and
deception which it engenders. At
once, it reflects both the strength and
the weakness of the present Soviet
svstem; the mounting confidence of
the Soviet rulers who have succeeded
Page 2
Stalin and their concern with the
\'arietv of stresses which have resulted
in th~ latest and most remarkable of
the man\' convolutions of Soviet
policy. ·
The parado\ at tlw heart of the
anti-Stalinist campaign is best symbolized,
pC'rliaps, by the giant tomb of
Stalin and Lenin on \loscow's famed
Red Square. Inside it lies the body of
Joseph Stalin enshrined as a demigod
of Sod(•t communism. Outside it, unleashed
bv the verv men he raised to
power, n;gc denu~ciations of him as
a madman guilty of the most horrcn-
~iais ~f'
dous crimes that historv has ~ have s(•
known. Tlw giant pile · of r11;11 ~s at c
commandin~ the walls of the J'f' 'P llortar
Jin docs more than honor the I' th ll<lrat~
heroes of communism. It stands I I 'hell'lseh
memorial to the vast empire ,,· i e So\1
Stalin created and to the equall' ' it'~1lifi<'cl
apparatus of power which his siif' ~~ >y re~
sors arc perpt'tuating at the verY ~ 11 te or l
they revile the man from whorll 1 •p'nstru1
in lwri tcd it. . "'irroac1
The dcsanctiflcation of St;1ht1 bl) ho11t
understandably stimulated a ftif' ~1.llorta1
debate about its causes and it> l Joe not
tents. The free world has good rr Sc·ph l
J.'
FACTS Fonl'\r N1ws, Septcml1cr, J ~c."ts F.
er, poin t ~
ine eontril1
1phasis, th'
t:bove) Georgi Malenkov, former Premier of
the ulti lll 111 ~ia, strikes a Napoleonic pose upon his arrival
II derive p ii. ~ndon last March. This is quite a contrast to
I' ,: °''P•e doll smile he ga•e to all females
1>se1lh , ID 11 Po <ountered during his three-week tour of Brit1Sh
•er pl t
r the ~·rd· an"
I :~try to ascertain the significance of
~·e current developments in Soviet
•_issia, for the questions which thcv
~ .. \ .
~r e contain the key to the great issue
freedom or enslavement, the es-
1(-n',.'n o f t Iw atomi.c age.
"peaee" B \ 1'he ommittec on Un-American
r ,:tivitics has organized this sym-ce,
"''you ,,,,:-;
1 d •tun in an endeavor to provide an
A di1llo111
' '°t111atc e'\planation of, and an incli
·e one tbi~ Ir •on of, what the world may C'\[Wcl
, is 110 11101 Ihm tlw Soviet Union's new course.
th .e contributors arc specialists in all
an~ many aspects of the Soviet nion
dire the global conspiracy which it
~ht! cts. Some of them arc former oflllia
.s of the Sovi<•t govcrnm<•nt and
ory has e' u \e sc•c•n hoth Stalin and his succ<'S-le
of J'Jl.U lirs at dos<' rangt" Others have hcc•n
of the :r-:rr 'PP0 rtant figures in the Communist
mor the l'' n1
P.tratus in America. Those• who
It st.a nds,, !J"I' ' 11 t·msclvc•s have not participated in 'le S .
empire
1
. '•al· ov1et program of conquest arc
.e eq1.1.1lh 11 h •ncd to spel~k authoritatiwly on
1ch his so ~- Y reason of clll'ect personal ex[Wl'l-
1 . 11 ·•tc I tie ,·er)
1
I ~ . Or lY long research and study. lt
m whoJll ap•nstructivc that while thcv varv in
Pr ' · ·
. "'ith 0ach and .emphasis, they ;~grec,
of St;1IJ11 Ill) Otit c•xcept1011, that the ultimate
ted a flil" rjvllortance of anti-Stalinism will clc'-
s and its 1 )[]se not from the disposition made of
is p;ood rr eph Stalin, hut from the reaction
1 ~ ...
ptcmbcr, t:fs Fom \C '\1.ws, SqJtemlwr, 19.Sfi
(Below) Nikita Khrushchev,
leader of the Soviet
Communist Porty, wore the
Russian smile while attending
o reception during his
visit to England last April.
lo this by the West.
Docs the discnthronement of Stalin
signify the abandonment of the Communist
goal of world revolution? Ts
communism beginning a metamorphosis
into a respectable political cnterpriw?
Tla\'C' KhrushcheY, Bulganin,
ancl the men who rnk' with them ancl
who share the odium for the crimes
which the~ now lay upon Stalin suddenly
become men of goocl will, renouncing
violence and aggression?
Stalin's successors would like to
hear a chorus of afllrmative answers
to these questions, and there arc many
who are willing to oblige them. l t is
these people, drawn to the supposed
ickalism of communism hut rcpellecl
hv the excesses of Stalin, that antiStalinism
stretches forth to embrace.
But it is e\ iclent, C\'('11 this early, that,
irrespecli\'e of the causes which ma~
han• produced it, anti-Stalinism is hut
a political artifice, fraudulent ancl
more dangerous than any other produced
bv the Kremlin thus far. lf it
succeeds: history may some clay replace
the monuments to Stalin with
more enduring monunwnts to human
gullibility.
The significance of anti-Stalinism
cannot he clisccrnecl in the specific in-
I Above l Soviet Premier Nikolai Bulganin presented
this curled lip countenance to the camer11
at luncheon at Birmingham, England, lost April.
Bulganin, who had been startled by the photoflosh,
requested a retake which shows his face
wreathed in the cherubic smile so familiar to
Western audiences.
ternal conditions which mav han•
precipitated its adoption: a ri,;alry for
power within the Kremlin, severe
pressures arising from a conflict between
the army and the Party, det•p
rumblings in the areas incorporated
forcibly into the Sm iet political strncture
and still aspiring for a rl'turn to
indepcnclenc<'. 'one of these in itself,
nor all together, pro\'icles a total C\planation
despite the appeal thcv ha\'C
to those \\'ho are inclined to ~cgarcl
the slightest tremor as presaging th<'
disintegration of the SoviC't totalitarian
state.
An examination of anti-Stalinism
must first take into account the simple
truth that, whilc it may he aimC'd
against the memory of Joseph Stalin,
it is not aimed against his lC'gac\.
\\'hile Khrushchev may repudiate
Stalin as his political ancestor, h<' has
not repudiated Stalin's c·stahlishnwnt
of the' \'llSt so,·ict Communist empire
which he himself now rules. The basis
of Khrushchev's po\\'cr, the basis from
whieh he seeks to project ll<'W acl,
·ancC's against the free "oriel, is Stalin's
Hussia; and the means by which
he seeks to accomplish it, arc Stalin's
means. As long as this is true, the per-
Page 3
pctuation of Stalin's memory or the
annihilation of it can be of no real
importance. The clue to this is a fact
which too many in the free world
hm·e too long tried to ignore: Stalin
was communism, as Lenin before him
was communism, and as Khrushchev,
after him, is communism, and all that
has been done in their names is communism.
The purported renunciation of Stalinism
and the proclaimed return to
Leninism can be regarded only as a
piece of dialectical sleight of hand.
Even to speculate about it implies a
differentiation that, in reality, does
not exist.
The Same Pattern
Ever since Stalin's accession to
power, various observers have debated
in all seriousness whether Stalin's
program represented a continuation
of Lenin's or whether that which
Lenin had inaugurated was being corrupted
by an irrational despot. The
disputation is a sterile one. The
threads of Stalinism and the threads
of Leninism have been woven so
tightly together into the fabric of communism
as the world now knows it
that they can be separated only if the
entire fabric itself is torn apart. The
Soviet and Communist empire which
Stalin created stands firmly upon the
foundations left to him by Lenin. To
speak of a Stalinist "counterrevolution"
is to discard historv; the "counterrevolution"
was Leni~'s seizure of
power from the Russian Social Democrats
and the implantation of dictatorship
upon the Russian people. The
development of the Soviet Union since
that time has been consistent and
continuous.
The goal of Lenin, and the goal of
Stalin later, was to bring the rest of
the world into the orbit of Communist
power. The methods which Stalin
used to accomplish this were not in\
Cnted by him, hut only perfected.
Stalin's great contributions to the theorv
of communism dealt with the
P;olJlems of Leninism. The purges, the
famines, the mass oppression of Stalin's
reign, were all part of the Leninist
program, too. It was Lenin who, at
the Second World Congress of the
Communist International, formulated
the Blueprint for \Vorld Conquest, as
William Henry Chamberlin has aptly
dcsi.gnat<'d it: a detailed description of
Communist ohjPctivcs and the methods
for impl<'n1C'nting them. And it
was Lenin \\"ho formulated the "colonial''
strategv, still followed at this
verv moment hv thC' Soviet Union, of
striking at the ~ajor \VPstem nations
from behind, hy provoking uprisings
in Asia, Latin \mC'rica, and Africa.
To regard Lrninism as a supposed
program of p<'al'<' and Stalinism as one
of war "·ou lcl he to blunder into a
morass of fatal S[)('Cu!ation. ~either
was a program of war or peace in itself.
Thcv utilizPd one or the other as
political · <''igencies required. It was
Stalin who lik<'cl to pose as the great
man of p<•acc• and who, in the course
of this impostur<>, justified his pact
with TTitlC'r and the Reel Army's invasion
of Poland and Finland as part of
thC' patt<'rn of bringing peace, Soviet
stvle, to one nation after another. It
w:1s Stalin, too. who introduced the
concc•pt of coll<•ctivC' security which
gave risC' to the ill-famed popular-front
governments of thC' thirties. This was
the prototype of the kind of "parliam
en ta ry democracy" which later
brought tllC' nations of Eastern Europe
undC'r tlw SO\ i<•t !lC'el and which today
Khrushchev is busy reviving. It is
Stalin who must }){' crC'clited with the
creation, too, of the Communist-led
"Partisans of PeacC'" movement which
KhrushchC'v is rdurhishing as a colossal
front organization for gathering in
neutralists throughout the world.
Alternatives: " Capitulate or Perish"
Just as "peacC'ful coexistence" has its
origin in Stalin's reign, so, too, the
concept of "collecti'C' leadership" represents
no inno\'ation. Stalin himseH
estahlishC'd collC'ctive government
aftC'r the clC'ath of Lenin as the first
step in his consoliclation of power.
With his liquidation of the men with
whom 11C' shared power, the device
quickly lwcam<' obsokte.
To di!Terentiate Leninism and Stalinism
is to obscme the essence and
substance of communism itself: the
dC'nial of Goel ancl the manifold values
by which m('n must live if they are to
remain civilizC'd. The evil of communism
docs not dep<'nd upon the man,
or the men, who rnle in its name. By
its very character it is capable only of
brC'eding fmthl'r <''ii, regardless of
,d10 occupies th<' throne'.
\Vhcn the verbiage is swept aw
Khrushchc\. can be seen to offer t
same alternatives that the Kremlin h
always offered - capih1late or peri>
His purposes are not to abandon t
policies of Stalin hut only to eff<
tllC'm better, ancl to extend thC' achir1
ments of Stalin still further. To do th
it is necessary to replace the crudent
of the Stalin era with craft and suhtl
ty, to transform its wintry climate in
sunnv blandishments.
Kl;rushchcv alrcadv claims the ri~
to speak for a majority of the worl
population. Should one more count!'
fall under his sway, that right will
incontestable. This is the great clan
of the sweet reasonableness of an
Stalinism. For there are many arno
this country's allies - and many wit
in this country itself - whose sy!'
pathies, consciously or unconsciot1 r
rest with the Soviet Union and t
humanitarianism to which it preten1
Performance .. •
Fantasies on the Kremlin Stage
It is Khrushchev's hope that t
audiC'nce of the free worlcl in its JoI1
ing for an encl to the threat of war 11
accept whatever fantasies are ennct<
on the Kremlin stage, and that it '\
forget that in the wings, committed
the service of Soviet peace, the 111~
tary might of the Soviet Union
mains intact.
Interpreting the meaning of Khn'.;
chev's statements properly reqll1
perhaps a kind of simultaneous-tr•111
lation machine. What comes thrO~
when the heaclphones arc attache<•
the truC' crv resounding in the Kr
Jin: "Th<' Vozhd is dead. Long )ive ~
Vozhd. Stalinism is purged; Stalin1 ~
C'nclurC's." If we fail to heed that c
Stalin, purged, will have won a vie!<'
greater than any which he cons11r
mate>d as Russia's master.
The Committee on Un-ArneriC
Activities wishes to thank the contfl
utors to this symposium for td
splcndicl efforts to crC'ate an u!l
standing of the Soviet Union's ~
policy. It is the hope of the corn1111
11 that their analyses may aid in CS
lishing an elfective prograrn 11
which to countervail the dange~'1
anti-Stalinism - and in mainta111
~·cason and vigilance in tha_t di~1i1;,
111g part of thC' worlcl that 1s still I
FRO
rev
whi
goc
B
'1'111,;
<tgains
Psyche
~es tun
\\'e rn
line f
that t}
tarily
one d<
at hon
\\!hat I
The
lllunis1
Frolll i
Jlandir
less se
by fon
~ts 11lti
Ion.
b
1'hei
l'en 1
thing!
Comm
IChrusl
Ing ta
ll~t on
th' Pre
1\c:rs
swept aw
1 to offer t
~Kremli n
ate or peri1
abandon t
nly to clfe
.I the achie1
. r. To do th
the crudcn
ft and suhtk
r climate i11
1ims the ri<'i~ 1f the world
more coun
right will
great d:1nl!l
ness of an~
many arno
:I many will
whos~ s)11'
nconsciou~r
1ion and t
hit prcten•
1n Stage
)pc that
Id in its Ion
at of war 11
s arc enactr
cl that it 11
committed~
ace, the J111
et Union r,
ng of Khr1'.~
rrly requ11
:an.eous-tr•1~
)mes thr011
·c attached
in the J{r
Long Jive~
,• ed·' Stalinc''"
iced that
won a v·i etor
1 he cons11
Un-ArneriC
k the cont!'
1rn for t
te an und•
Union's 11
·~ :he corn!I11
aid in est'.
rograrn 11
ie dange~'1 1 maintn1P.
that din11·11 1· /
at is still 11 I
FROM 'Lite ~reat Cf'reten~e
"Khrushchev and company are
revamping tactics and slogans,
while standing pat on strategy and
goals."
No
Softness
1• n
the
Kremlin
By EUGENE LYONS
l'ui:; free world must be on guard
'%tinst being confused, di\'ided, and
Psychologically disarmed b\' recent
~csti1res of moderation in th1:Kremlin
1.1'c must avoid mistaking a chant(!' of
t;nc for a change of heart. The fact
1•1t the lkd dictatorship will temporarily
have several heads imt!•ad of
One doesn't make it any less des1iotic
at J • w] !Orne or any less of a menace to
iat remains of the free world.
The high command of world com(
11nism has not retreated one inch
ro111 its immediate ohjecti\'!' of 1•\-
IP.tnding its Hed cmriire - bv blond-hes
s sei. zure of power "here ·p ossible,
. Y force and violence else\\here - or
'.ls liltimatc objective of world dorninlon.
JI 1'hcsc fhed commitments haw not
('e
ti l1. n renounced or reduced hv. any-
C ng said at the 20th Congress of the
l(~1llmunist Party of the So\'iet Union.
1
1rushchcv and company are n•1·ampp:~
tactics and slogans, while standing
the on strategy and goals. l f anything,
Proceedings of the congress rcv(•al
FAe· rs· F OHL\! 'n1·s, Septc111bcr, J.9.~) 6
Eugene Lyons served from 1928
to 1934 as United Press correspondent
in Moscow. An astute
student ol communism in Russia
and in America, he is the author
ol " Assignment in Utopia"; " The
Red Decade"; " Stalin , Czar ol
All the Russias"; and most recently,
" Our Secret Allies: the
Peoples al Russia." He was one
ol the founders and the lirst
president ol the American Committee
for Liberation From Bolshevism
, which naw operates
radio station " Liberation" in
Munich . Formerly editor ol the
" American Mercury," Mr. Lyons
is at present a senior editor ol
the " Reader's Digest."
a firmer and more self-confident dedication
to the world-wide triumph of
communism than ever before.
The policies set forth at the congress
amount to an adaptation of Stalin
's party line of the mid-thirties -
the period of united fronts and peaceable
cocxisti\'C which in our country
ll'ent under the slogan "Communism is
20th Century Americanism." Those
who profess to see something new and
unprecedented in recent developments
simply have failed to do their horne-
11·ork in Soviet history.
Take the statement that war is not
inevitable. i\loscow was saying that
very thing twenty years ago. There
was even talk of awarding the lohel
Peace Prize to Stalin's front man
abroad, Jaxim Litvinov.
The same is true of the pronouncements
about achi!'\ ing communism
through parliarnentan m!'lhods. Such
methods h:\\'e been ·used for nearh
forty years, through Communist Pa~tics
in democratic: countries posing as
conventional political parti!'s. Has the
world forgotten that this is precise!~
how Hitler took Ol'Cr in Gcrn1am·?
The force and 1·iolence comes after
the \'ictor~ at the ballot box to make
it permanent.
The pn•sent change in line is intPmled.
precisely as in the 1930's, to
facilitate the infiltration of free governments;
C\'nical united fronts with
left-wing bt;t non-Communist groups;
the subversion of trade unions; the
luring of well-meaning hut soft-headed
indil'iduals into carnounagcd Communist
outfits.
Beware ol Sell-deception
There is only one real and meaningful
difference. It is that Sol'ict Russia
and its world apparatus of power arc
today \'astly stronger, larger, more
self-confident than two decades ago.
Their menace to everything we cherish
is therefore incalculably greater.
\Ve cannot afford soporific self-deception.
The recent riots in Soviet Georgia
and disturbances elsewhere in the
Communist prison-land are significant.
They sholl' that despite nearl1· fortv
years of terror and indoctrination. th~
peoples of Russia ha\'C retained a
capacity to protest - and remember
that in demonstrating against the regime
a So\'iet citiz<'n risks his life.
Our obligation is to deepen the gulf
that divides the Kremlin oligarchs
from their su hjects; to let the masses
behind the curtains know that free and
ci\'ilized men outside will settle for
nothing less than their liberation from
tlw Red yoke. The changes in party
line, especiallv the demmciation of
Stalin, are sy1~1ptorns of internal tensions,
not only in the general population
hut in the military ranks and in
the ruling Communist Partv. If we
h:ll"C any political SCllSC and some remnants
of the ll'ill to survil'c we will
exploit the situation by ste{iping up
political and psychological warfare.
Those who want us to relax, who
counsel policies of accommodation
that would freeze the status quo of a
world half enslal'cd, are betraying our
ci1·ilization. E:->D
Page 5
FROM 'C.he ~reat C/'reten6e
A Talk with Voroshilov
"Any who are inclined to believe
that there has been a change of
heart in Moscow should remember
that the men who are now attempting
to prove themselves amiable
souls are the same men who carried
out murders, tortures, and mass
starvation for Stalin."
William C. Bullitt served as
American Ambassador to the
Soviet Union from 1933 until
1936. His distinguished career
in government service has also
included the post of Ambassador
at Large in 1941-42 and of
special assistant to the Secretary
of the Navy in 1942-43. Mr. Bullitt
began his career as associate
editor and foreign correspondent
for the " Philadelphia Public
Ledger" and, in 1944, returned
to this field as foreign correspondent
for " Life" magazine.
That same year he enlisted in
the French Army as an infantry
major. He was decorated with a
Croix de Guerre with palm and
was made commander of the
French Legion of Honor. He is the
author of " Report to the American
People" and "The Great
Globe Itself."
Page 6
Tm: present attempt of the \loscow
commissars to masquerade as innocent
victims of Stalin's sadistic brutality
should deceive no one. A hyena that
laughs remains a hyena. A wolf in
sheep's clothing changes his coat hut
not his heart. Americans have been
bamboozled so often by this Communist
tactic that few arc likely to be impressed
by the present smiles and
hleatine;s of the Kremlin gane;. Any
who arc inclined to believe that there
has been a change of heart in Moscow
should remember that the men who
arc now attempting to prove themselves
amiable souls arc the same men
who carried out murders, tortures, and
mass starvations for Stalin. To me they
seem more repellent now when they
are professing that they were always
horrified by Stalin's lying and bloodthirsty
brutality than they seemed
when they were frankly gangsters.
~ ( any of them were murderous
criminals on their own hook long before
Stalin achieved supreme power.
For example, ~farshal Voroshilov, who
is todav the Soviet Chief of State -
the So~iet Union's Queen Elizabeth
- has always been able to smile disarmingly
and to pat children affectionately
on the head, and is no doubt
the nicest of the Communist lot. Just
how nice he is seems to me worth
relating at this time.
Quite a Character
One night in the winter of 1934 he
was seated on my right at dinner and
\larshal Bucknny was on my left.
Thev had drunk a bit of vodka and
both were relaxed and gay. "You
know, Bullitt," said Voroshilov, Bucli.'
nny is the man who won the civil
war without ever knowing what he
was fighting about."
"That's true," laughed Budcnny.
"~ly motto has never been proletarians
of the world unite; it has always
been cavalrvmen of the world unite.
I don't care' why I fight so long as I
have a good war."
By WILLIAM C. BUL LITT
We laughed, and Voroshilov th~ said, "[ think the most extraordin
thing we ever did together was to c:•
ture Kiev without fighting."
"What happened?" I asked.
"\Veil ," said Voroshilov, "there we
11,000 Czarist officers with their wi1"
and children in Kiev and thcv h.
more troops than we had, a~d ''
never could have captured the city b
fighting, so we used propaganda :1
we told them that they would he
leased and allowed to go to th
homes with their families and trc:1t
as well as possible by our army, a
thev believed us and surrendered."
"\Vhat did vou do then?" I asked.
"Oh," said Voroshilov, "we shot
the men and boys and we put all tP
women and the girls into brothels 11
our army."
"Do you think that was a very d
cent thing to do?" I asked.
"i\ Iy army needed women," S·.
Voroshilov, "and I was concerned \\'1
my army's health and not with t
health of those women; and it dido
make any difference anyhow, bec•ll~
they ~~re all dead within th
months.
Voroshilov no doubt deserves r
position as Chief of State of the So"'
Union, and is no doubt the most hO
orablc• and charming of Communi~t
hut that is exactly how honorable all'
charming he is.
I hope that Americans who may .ti.
come inclined to believe any pronl1'
now made by the Communist lead•
will remember the fate of the Cz•1ri'
officers and their wives and sons '1
daughters in Kiev.
The present Soviet ohjccti\'C
clear. It is to lull us into a sleeP
death while the Soviet Union achir'
control of new areas without war, ~1r
prepares sufficient hydrogen bo01
and intercontinental jct hombers
destroy our retaliatory power b)
sneak attack, so that some day it '
he in a position to blot us out ,,.
impunit~. t:'
FACTS Fonu,1 ·E\1·s, Srptembcr, JiJ:
FRO
I!
s
R
v
By
WI
Cu111
llism
the So
to di1
d1icflv
1veak1
1trengt
•trnong
the lor
hdiei·E
tanks
t·ffccti1
t·i·en ti
the C<.
Valiant
tno, th1
l.:ttion
til(ht, a
the So1
1111rest
11ndt•re
>lltncti1
Tn11nist
hc•l iev
f loci
~~ainst
Sol'iet
''.npop1
t1~ht n
111 Eas
19.5.3 F
th .
e ins
Tn11st £
'
0rne.
11'otild
~i6c si
Of tho<
BULLITT
roshilov t~h'
extraordin
~ r was to C•l
1g."
isked.
1, --there we
th their wi1•
nd thC\ h
1ad, a~d ''
:d the city~
paganda a
would he
go to th
s and tre<ll'
ur armv, a
render~d."
1?" I asked.
"we shot
re put all th
) brothels fc
as a very d
I.
tomen" sJJ
incern;d ,~,:
not with t
and it did1
how bec•11c
within th
deserves l'
of the So1i
he most h0
Communist
onorable a
who ma\· 1'
any promi'
1Unist lead'
>f the Cz;1t!'.
and sons J~
ohjecti\'t'
to a sleeP
nion achit"
lOUt \VUf, •l
·ogcn bo01
bombers
power b)
1e day it 11,
us out 11
~
FROM 'C:lte ~reat C[>reten6e
Is
Stalin's.
Russia
Weakening?
By
WHITTAKER CHAMBERS
c l'll11FYr d('ve)opmcnts in commullisrn,
following the 20th Congress of
the Soviet Communist Part), appear
to divide anti-Communist opinion
d1it'fly on two questions: ( 1) Will this
IVcaken communism? (2) Will it
1trengthen communism? l belong
'llnong those "ho answer: "Yes, over
:h;. long pull," ~o qu?stion 2. l simply
•< h<·ve that, nmt• timcs out of ten,
tanks and automatic rifles arP more
<·ffectiw than stones. or pop bottles,
~Ven though the stones arc thrown <lt
th<· Communist tanks hy dt'SJ)('riltcly
Valiant anti-Communists. T hclie\'C,
too, that, nine times out of ten, organi;:
1tion defeats no organization, that a
t;)(h t, aggn•ssive organization, such as
le Soviet governmcnt, d<'f<'ats diffuse
11nrest or even such anti-Communist
11 nd<·q~round organization as we are
101llt•times told e\ists within the Com-
Jtn1inist empire. l do not, in gencral,
·>r el·1 c•vc that spontaneous rc,·olts, c•,·en 1
locallv ferocious, can succeed
~l(<i~nst a 'modern policc state, like thc
O\'ret Union. That is wh, T held thc
1.nPopular view that th~ \Vcst was
ril(ht not to encourage tlw outhrcaks
~~~East Germany and c•lse\1 here in
th•)3: For, unless wc mean~ to support
tn e insurrcclionists with armiC's, thcy
Soltst fail. Heprisals would he gru<'-
1\· Ill<'. Rc'S<'ntment against the \Vest
q~llld. ha\'e been widespread and spe-ffic
srnce 011r ,·erbal eneouragcment
0
those· ,, horn \H' did not mcan to
f',.c.-rs Fonl 'I '\ rws, September, 19.S(i
A
A
A
A
A
A
A ,,+->->->->->->->-
support with force \\'Ould ha\'e seemed
irresponsible. Imagine yourst•lf to he
a Soviet national facing a So' id tank
with nothing in your hand hut a stone,
ancl the whole problem will he much
more vivid than \Hlrcls can make it.
Aho\'t', l han• cardulh said: nine
times out of ten . Th<' question thC'n
hecomcs: \ re tht• cmrt•nt developnwnts
in the Communist empire the
tcnth timc that thro\\'s 011t all eomcntional
reckoning? It \\'Ould be wrong
to dismiss lightly the 'iews of those
who hold that the Communist empire
is now crumbling slowlv or crumbling
fast, or arw, iew in het~n·en . It wo11ld
he just as ·wrong not to ask for a carcf
u l audit of th<' e\'icl<'nct' supporting
those dews. So far, what ('viclence I
ha\'e seen seems to me skctchv, conh·adictorv,
or high ly spcc1rlati\'t:. Hiots in
Sovie't Gc·orgia and elsc" here in
Transcaucasia ( \\'<' han• a lmost no detai
ls) fo llowed the official clcmolition
of Stalin. To many perfect]) S('nsihlc
[)('Opie, they looked like tlw hc',ginning
of the encl for communism. To me they
look<'cl lik<' riots in C<'orgia. Heccntlv
stucl('nts rioted at thc l'nin•rsitv of
\ laclricl. Other sensihlc pc•oplc for~cast
thc h<'ginning of tlw end for the
Franco go,ernnwnt. Of the two cases,
l shou Jc] ('\[)('Ct tlw Spanish riots to he
more' of a dangcr for the Spanish government
than the Georgian riots for
th<' Soviet go\'crnnll'nt, although the
anti-Communist riots may \\'Cl! ha,·c
-<-<-<-<-<-<-<../
Whittaker Chambers, a former
courier for the Soviet under-ground
espionage apparatus in
America, is known to millions of
Americans for his courageous
exposure of Soviet underground
activities in the United States,
particularly in the United States
government, and for his identification
of Alger Hiss as a se cret
Soviet agent. A distinguished
w riter and a former senior editor
of " Time" magazine, Mr .
Chambers has told the story of
his years with the Communist
Party and the motives for his
final break with it in his compelling
autobiography, "Witness."
-<-<-<-<-<-<-<
y
y
y
y
y
y
y
A
A
A
A
A
A
A
been much bigger and the whole contc'l.
t more precarious. The diffcrC'nce
lies not onl) in the riots, h11t in the
fact that a \'ast power of public opinion
in the \ \'est has consistentlv beset
the Spanish gon•rnment while. practicall\'
thc same hodv of the \Vcstern
opi~ion has prett) consistcntly favored
thC' Communist government. I am not
talking, of course, aho11t Communist
opinion in thc \Vest, h11t about socalled
enlightencd opinion in which
Communists make', at most, a tim
acti\'ating forcc. Do Jcft liberals ever
\\'Cary of pointing 011t that American
Communists, for e\amplc, are statistically
negligible?
In the body politic any unrest registers
a degrcc of fC'\'Cr - perhaps
more than onc clcgrc•e. But most of us
cannot make an accurate reading hccause
most of us cannot even see the
thermometcr. \Ve can simply, using
our good scnst', rcnwmher that c,·en a
tcmpc•rature of l0.5 does not necessarily
mean that the patient will die at
dawn. In the casC' of communism, most
of us would like• the patient to die
soon<'r. But that is a pious hope, not a
reading of reali ty.
In the ahsPnc;, of hard facts about
what is happening in the Communist
empire we can only: ( 1) check our
Yiews daily• against s11ch facts, or
sel'ming facts, as l<'ak through censorship;
( 2) hear in mind that, even so,
(Continued on page 491
Page 7
FROM 'C:lte ~reat C/)reten6e
Stalin ism Continues
T ooAY. the gravest threat to freedom
of thought and all other basic
human freedoms is to be found in the
totalitarian philosophy and movement
fostered and financed In the Soviet
dictatorship. The gen~iine fighter
against conformism must recognize
that communism is its most perilous
expression. In our opposition to even
the slightest conformism in our own
country, we must therefore guard
against cooperatin,c; with Communists,
whose dogmas and deeds are the very
negation of freedom of thought.
Our countr) plays a vital role in the
international arena. The eyes of the
world are on all our institutions. \Ve
must spare no effort and lose no time
in eliminating any anti-democratic
expressions in our way of life. In this
connection, I can assure vou that labor
will yield to none in ac'ting to eliminate
from our country race prejudice
in even- form, in everv field of human
endeav.or, in every pa~t of the land.
Thank God that in our dcmocracv
no one has to conform even with th~
highest government official. Wishful
thinking and leap-year political partisanship
ha' e caused some to paint a
distorted picture of the last congress
of the Communist Party Soviet Union.
By GEO RG E M EAN Y
\\'e have been asked to hclit>ve that
the free world - in comparison with
the Communist orbit - is today
stronger than it was a year ago; that
~losco\v has been forced, as a result of
our incrcas(•d strength, to revise its
strategy and go about the world seeking
friends on a new basis. Frankly, I
do not believe this is true. In addition,
I find it hard to believe anyone in official
positions or responsibility in our
government really thinks this is true.
What arc the facts? Despite all the
world-shaking noise made at the 20th
Communist Congress, and, on many
occasions before, about reforming the
Soviet svstcm, it remains the same - a
monolithic one-party dictatorship in
the hands of a narrow clique whose
policies arc always unanimously approved
by those hand-picked by the
Communist ruling group to represent
the people. This system is maintained
by a ruthless police state. It holds
manv millions in slave-labor camps
and ·prisons. It maintains its stranglehold
through a continuing purge by
firing squads and a complete denial of
the democratic rights of labor, and the
fundamental human rights proclaimed
in our country's Bill of Rights. For the
people behind the Iron Curtain. the
George Meany, president of the
AFL-CIO, ranks as one of labor's
most forthright spokesmen
against communism . Recognizing
the importance of maintaining
fre e labor movements
abroad, Mr . Meany was instrumental
in the establishment of
the International Confederation
of Free Trade Unions. He was
chosen president of the AFL in
1952 to fill the post left vacant
by the death of William Green,
and was unanimously elected
president of the combined AFLC/
0 at its first convention in
New Yo rk City in December,
1955.
dictatorship is no less oppressive wher
it is run by 11 tyrants trained in th<
Stalinist school than when it was rutl
by a single despot.
The Soviet system is today furtht~
away from ours than it ever was, bt'
cause in our country democracy h•l'
been making headway. Hence, ther<
is no basis whatsoever for the concl11·
sion that the Kremlin now realizes th•it
it must bring its system closer to our>
Surely we must realize this is 110
1
the first time that the Russian Coru·
munists have revised their strate!(I
Surely there arc some of us who re
member June 21, 1941, when Mosco1
'
changed its mind about Hitler bein'
a great patriot defending the Genn•11
people and world peace.
A New Maneuver
The Russian Communists have bcf'
constantly revising their strategy. JW
neither at the 20th, nor at any othe1
Party congress have they change
their basic and ultimate aim - th I
conquest of the entire world and jt•
transformation on the Soviet sh11
pattern.
If the present world crisis could!~ ,
dealt with simply on the basis of di!''
lomatic pacts between nations. 1
would not be so serious. We wo11I
then be dealing with paper perils 3tl'
a pen-and-ink crisis. I do not belittl
the value of pacts - especially if '111
when they arc genuinely in the serdcl
of peace and freedom. But the rnel"
conclusion of a pact is in itself ii<'
proof of its effectiveness as a force fl
pcac('. The :\lolotov project for a "c<'
lectiw securitv" pact as well as ti
\Varsaw pact ~lo not mean that l\fo'
cow is copying our mutual-sccurir
program. A TO seeks peace and h
lwlpecl preserve peace and sccuri?
Their "mutual security" programs il1P j
at strengthening the forces of co~·
munist aggression and dividing t
democratic world.
Russia, without doubt, has rn•111
serious weaknesses in agriculture. 1
FACTS FORl' \r N..:ws, September, 1
FROI
r ll
h
n
danger~
result 0
of the (
Dnion
lllunis;r
accomp
Peas em
Soviet
tralism
IVith so
credit
Dniti•d
essive when
incd in the
it was run
day further
rcr was, lir-
1ocracy h•1'
:encc, ther•
the concl11·
realizes th"1
Jser to our-this
is not
1ssian Cofll·
iir stratc!(I
us who re
1en ~1osco1'
'.Jitler bei01
the Gerrn•1v
ts have ber11
trategy. 131·
t any other
'V changt
'aim - th
oriel and i~
)oviet slJ''
sis could .1• 1
basis of di!'°
t
. I na 10ns, I
We wou
•r perils 3P'
not bclittl
cially if 311
n the seJ'\'1('1
ut the J11Cl'
in itself 11'
s a force f~
: t for a "c0
well as ti 1
n that !'-1°'
tual-securi~
ace and h·
nd sccuri~
·r
rograms 31 I
'CS of CoJll
lividing ti
FROM 'C.he ~reat Cf>reten6e
"With reference to the United States, the Soviet obiective is
to smear leading anti-Communists, discredit the loyalty-security
program, dismantle the framework of anti-Communist legislation,
and demand an end to further nuclear weapons tests."
r llE leaders ': the Soviet Union
ha,·e launched a new tactical
maneu\'er which is fraught with
dangers for the United States. As a
result of the February, 1956, meeting
of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, the forces of international communism
have adopted new tactics to
accomplish three objectives: ( 1) ApPcasement
of discontent within the
Soviet sphere; ( 2) extension of neutralism
abroad through a united front
IVith socialism; ( 3) weaken and discredit
anti-Communists within the
linitl'd States.
for the revolutionarv transformation
of capitafot society into Socialist society.
This is "hat distinguisllC's rl'\'olutionarv
larxists from reformists
and opp~rtunists. There is not a shadow
of doubt that for a number of
capitalist r·ou ntries the overthrow of
the bourgeois dictatorship hy force
and the connected sharp aggravation
of the class struggle is inevitable."
Khrushchev went on to point out that
Communist conquests of countries like
France and Italy might he accomplished
peacefully through the formation
of popular fronts with the Social-
The Lure of
Peaceful Coexistence
By ANTHONY T. BOUSCAREN
. Communist leaders hope to con
·incc non-Communists that "peaceful
~·oexistcnce" is possible, and not only
Shat, desirable. Soviet dictator, Nikita
~ khrushchcv, told the 20th Congress
t) at "war may not be inevitable." By
hs he meant that "peaceful coexist~
nce" is possible if the United States
.
0es not resist future Soviet aggrcs\
ton and Communist subversion. In
bther words, we can have coexistence
.'1 making the same kind of conccs~
0ns that were made at ~lunich,
Calta, Potsdam , Panmunjom, and
encva.
d nfortunatcly, wishful thinkers and
to Vocates of peace-at-any-price misIll
nstrucd Khrushchev's remarks to
ean that the forces of international
~lll~unism had abandoned Stal.in's
n ctrme of force and violence agamst
~0 -Communist states. othing could
a fartlwr from the truth. On Fehrut~
14, 1956, dictator Khrushchev told
t e 20th Congress in f\Ioscow: "Jt is
llte that w<' recognize the necessity
"~l"rs Fonu" ' Ews, September, 1956
ists. This has particular relevance to
J taly, where most Socialists have already
placed themselves at the disposal
of the ltalian Communist Party.
J nsofar as Soviet foreign policy is
concerned the general approach of the
20th Congress doctrine is to appear to
he more conci liatorv, and to encourage
non-Communist states to make
concessions in the name of "peace."
In this way, the Communists hope to
gain control of the Chinese Nationalist
islands of Qucmoy and ~latsu , obtain
diplomatic recognition for Communist
China, extend Nchru-stvle neutralism
throughout all Asia, n~utralize Germany
through promises of unit)', exploit
f\ liddle East tensions hy inciting
both sides, and gain respectability and
prestige by visits to \Vcstern countries
on the pa ttern of the ~ l alcnkovKhrushchev-
Bulganin visits to Great
Britain. It is likely that the USSR will
suggest such a visit to the United
States in the not too distant future.
This together with the recent visits of
Anthony T. Bouscaren holds degrees
from Yale University and
the University of California. He
is director of the political science
department of Marquette University
and has taught at the
University of San Francisca and
Loyola University. His work has
won him the Christopher award,
the Freedom Foundation citation
, and the Daughters of American
Revolution award. Among
his books are " A Guide to AntiCammunist
Action," " Imperial
Communism," and " America
Faces World Communism." In
addition, he has contributed to a
wide range of publications, including
the " Journal of Politics,"
the " Western Political Quarterly,"
the " American Mercury,"
and " The Freeman." A veteran
of the United States Marine
Corps in World War II, he received
two Distinguished Flying
Crosses. He is now a major in
the Marine Corps Reserve.
Soviet farm and cultural delegations
to the United States serves to strengthen
the Soviets not only from the point
of view of prestige in foreign policy,
but from the point of view of strengthening
their position at home. \Vhen
the peoples behind the Iron Curtain
realize that the United States is less
and less interested in their plight, and
more and more interested in fratcrniz-
(Conlinucd on )'Jage 49)
Page 9
FROM 'Lite ~reat Cf'reten4'e
N 1i.:1L\ KnRUSHCHEV's "new line" is
of a similar character to the successful
maneu\·ers by Joseph V. Stalin in 19.'36
and in \\'orld \Var 11. In other words.
Khrushchev, the new Stalin, is attempting
to cover up the Communist
wolf with sheep's clothing.
In 1936, Stalin produced the Stalinist
constitution for Soviet Russia,
which "guaranteed" freedom of
speech. freedom of press, freedom of
assemblage, and freedom of demonstration.
This was an ironic travesty,
as the present Communist leaders now
acknowledge, as none of these "guaranties"
was granted any of the enslaved
peoples under Soviet rule. _\t
that time. Stalin was pictured as "bC'coming
democratic" and communism
was represented as "changing."
In World War II, Stalin "dissolved"
the Communist International. Again
this act was represented as a profound
"change" in communism. As a matter
of fact. :\loscow's control of the Communist
Parties of the world remained
the same as ever, and the alleged "dissolution"
of the Communist International
was a tragic farce.
The Same Old Line
Both of these Stalinite maneuvers
prepared the way for the debacles of
Yalta and Potsdam, and the conquest
of one-third of the world by Soviet
power.
Khrnshchev's "new line" is given to
a Communist international apparatus
as well disciplined and blindlv obedient
to Moscow's directives as· it was
under Stalin. The Cominform organ,
For a Lasting Peace, for a People's
Democracy, of February 24, signalizes
this fact by announcing that Khrushchev's
report was adopted by the 20th
Congress of the Communist Parh· of
the Soviet Union "unanimously." · just
as Stalin's reports were previous!~
adopted. The Communist Parties of
the world, including that of the
L'nited States, are immediately conforming
to "the new line."
Khrushchev's talk of taking over certain
countries by parliamentary means
is mereh the old tactics under a new
guise, the tactics of the "popular
front." Even here Khrushchev indicates
that he is rC'SOrting to Aesopian
languagC', for he dC'clares in effect for
Page 10
Khrushchev
Copies
Stalin
By LOUIS BUDENZ
Louis Budenz, former managing
editor of the official Communist
newspaper, the " Daily Worker,"
is one of the highest-ranking
American Communists to break
with the Party . He has since
made invaluable contributions
to America's security by providing
detailed information about
Communist policies and leaders.
A native of Indianapolis, Indiana,
Mr. Budenz holds a law
degree from Indianapolis Law
School, and has taught at Notre
Dame, Fordham, and Seton Hall
Universities. Based on his personal
experience as a Communist
official, he is the author of
several books on communism,
among them, " This ls My Story,"
"Men Without Faces," and the
" Techniques of Communism."
the violent overthrow of the govern·
ment of the United States, just a'
Lenin docs specifically in State 0111
Revolution and Stalin in the Foundo·
lions of Leninism.
The new Stalin repeats this thouizh' I
when he says that "in countries whert
capitalism is still strong and where ii I
controls an enormous militarv and
police machine, the serious resistancr
of reactionary forces is inevitabk
1 There the transition to socialism "'''
proceed amid conditions of an acul.f
class revolutionary struggle." And thr I
"revolutionary class struggle" or "ch1"
war" according to Marxism-Leninisfl'
must end in the establishment of th I
Soviet dictatorship by violelice.
ThC' one country above all which I
clearly indicated in Khrushchc1 I words - the country "where capitJ1
' en
ism is still strong" - is the Unit< nati1
States of America. cl'·h\\ah
' ate
~here ti
Schemes Unlimited files Cl
The present tactics of the Krcrnli° Ceo El
as those of the "popular front," ~r tteptcd,
innc t
therefore designed to beguile Amer~ ht· o
again into unguardedness regard111
1 ~en. sm
the "peaceful coexistence" schC'mcs t a1
115
'.ng
Soviet Russia and to bring about I~ ti~ori_dat
collapse of nation after nation uncl< • n is n
• ql!Or'd
Soviet power as took place as the r<~ cli 1 at
suit of the "popular front" particulM 9 e. Thu
a f ter \vo r1 c1 "vv' a r II . ' I' ,1p1 o•r i,d, at
The so-called "devaluation" of SP 1 i":o s a
is for the same purpose. Khrushcl \ ti , "•1r'eh asn· 1
cloC's not repudiate the fundamcn\ Se .e I
of J\larxism-Leninism, as set down ,f, th~ice,
J\larx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin. . \fe Pro-•
I I ffi I t 1111 <1rch ·
t 1e contrury, 1e rea rms t 1em, s <1 ··~ ·
that he stands on "Lenin's principle; • t re fiuc
and on "the bedrock principles 0 no otaJ ol
\farxism-Leninism." Khrushchev dCJl" l "'"Wt dri
1r~ •er
not evC'n repudiate the great pt PL .. ·
trials. On this he says: "The Trot;i1 e.,.:s an
ites-Bukharinists, and the chamP10~ I ~ep~ sti
of bourgeois nationalism, sought ti\ \fe _on
hrC'ak the Leninist unity of our P'1 I Xtdc_o,
anc I go t 1't m. t h e neek ." I 'li11n . .ic •a
The sole criticism of Stalin is tlll1_t • ~·1~1 hcs
forwarded "the cult of the personah~j I 'dd erns
hut that cult is still being adwnC' Coled, i,
• re- illllb'
in the laudation of Khrushchev 5 tJil ljl'<llt 1
port by the Communist press of ~ ~tis· h '
world as "a profound analysis" 31 ~ing
in other similar terms. (. \·1~ 1
(Conlinuccl on 7>0~C T
FACTS FonL \I 1\;vws, Seplcm/Jcr. lgJ
Should cities put TEETH in their laws through ...
the govcrntes,
just a'
1 State 0111
he Founda·
this thought
1tries whert
nd where ill
1ilitary and
s resistancfl
inevitable
cialism "·iii
of an acult
e." And thi·
;le" or "chi" I
m-Lcninis~
lelilce.
ment of th I
all which I
irushche'
1ere capilJ} I' c tT\ aftc•r cit) throughout the
the Unitt nation, arti~cial fl~1oridation of
d \\atcr supplies continues to he a
ehatc•d issue. Even in those cases ;:i1ere the issue has been decided, tile' (es cannot be stamped "CASE
he Kremli~ LOSED," for, if fluoridation is ac-front,"
at' ~<'Pted, the anti-fluoridationists conlile
Amcr!t< ~~Ile to wage un~casing w:1r and h:l\.'c
s regard!l1
1 ta en. successful 111 many 111stances 111
• schemes" R Usmg the discontinuance o[ the
g about tlil l'110ri_dation process. \Vhen fluoridaation
undt" 3~n .1s rejected by a community, pro-
:e as the rC <J· Oridationists refuse to let the issue
particuh1rl• a'e. Thus, as city after city considers
. •110?d,1tion, the battle cries o[ the
on" of St.1h , Pros" and "an ti's" swell in an CH'rKhrushchr
I n~casing volume.
mdarneot·1'.' s,. ~c nited States Public Health
>Ct down Ii th t\ ice, spearhead organization for
1 Stalin. ,'fl \t Pro-fluoridators, reported that on
hem statl11 ~·arch 15, 1956, 1,140 communities
; pri~ciplc;, ~;re fluoridating their water supplies,
rinciples O• no Ota] of 22,553,366 American citizens
shchev clO". \>IV drinking artificially fluoridated
great pur.~ Pl;~cr, Communities whose watc•r sup'
he Trotsk' !'\·es are being so h·eated represent
. charnpiofl' I ~ e~ state in the union with the ex-sought
t ~lll~on of Arizona, Nevada, 1c•w 'J f our p•1 rt' eIx 1 c_o, and tah.
I!\ nd1cative of the division into "comlin
is thnt lit ,1
11nitics" rather than into city wat('r
persoouli~j ·•d~ems to which fluoride is being
1g advuf!C' I ~
1
ed, is the fact that the District of
shchev's rt I 1i°._111llhia is shown in the Public
press of tJtl Pr~'1.1 th Service compilation as comialysis"
•11 ~tng six communities, a total of
\,OQo in population.
·Ir, Thomas L. Ilagan, Dental Di-
'\ 1.\\'S, Scptcmbcr, 1956
If not - why not? And, if so - can the bene ficial effects of fluorine in public
water supplies be documented? Where should the burden of proof rest? These
vital questions concern all Americans, as community after community throughout
the nation considers the controlled addition of fluoride to water supplies in
an effort to lessen dental decay.
r!'ctor of the L'. S. Public ITealth S<•nict',
and Chief of the Di\'ision of Dental
Public Health, states:
Th<' 1'11hlic ll<'alth S<'n ic<' appr<>H's adj11st111cnt
of the fl11oridc cont<'nt of p11hlic
wakr suppli('S as a safe, l'ff('ctin•, and <'C'Onomical
procedure for tlw p;_trli<li pn'H.'lltion
of tooth decay. It sho11ld lw cmphasiz<'
d that the decision on wlwtlwr to
ad)IJSt the n11oride conknt of w;tt('r s11pplit
·s f<'Sls <'nlirdy with lot'al communitit•s.
This issue, dirccth in\'Ol\'ing millions
of Americans, has ramifications
which include delicate points of
finance, religious frppdom, minorit~
rights, and constitutional law. Perhaps
the only unchallenged fact of the entire
debate is the enormous extent and
damage of tooth decay among our citizens
in evc1y walk of life. Dental
decay afTlicts more than 80 per cPnt
of our youngsters, cs·cn before th('~
h<'gin their first grade in grammar
school. It accounts for a staggering
proportion of this nation's yearly dental
bill of more than $100 million.1
'\'or is the toxicit~ of sodium fluoride
open to question insofar as the
ch('mical itself is concerned. lf anyone
dou hts that it is a deadly poiso1;, he
can quickly end the doubt - and risk
doing the same with his life - by swalJm,
ing enough of the white powder to
em er a nickel, a lethal dos<'."
Those who [avor fluoridation point
lo the desirability of active attack
against dental decay. Tlwir carefully
eompiled statistics of test cities cover
a ten-year period. Jn the pro-fluoridation
ranks may be found many doctors,
dentists, and dental and health
organizations of acknowlPdged integri~
and repute. Thc•sc• authoritiPs,
com incecl that the fluoridation process
is a boon to our population, label
the claims of anti-fluoridationists as
"unqualified," "hysterical," ancl, in
many cases, as "scaremongering." They
point to the chlorination of water supplies
as an established prt'cedcnt.
Those \\'ho oppose fluoridation of
ci~ \\'ater supplies fall in many categ(
iries. Officials of water companies
protest expense and point to the virtual
impossihilit~. in some instances,
of maintaining a safe mixture of this
tcn.ic chemical compound. Other
\ oiccs raised against fluoridation include
those of doctors and dentists
whose integrity and standing equal
that of their professional brothers in
the opposing forces. ~!any patriots,
also, feel that compulsory medication
which docs not cleal with a contagious
disease is incompatible with the
\merican system of government.
ome are conYinced that the process
of fluoridation \'iolatcs one of our first
lines of defense - the protection of
'' ater supplies.
:\Jany \\'ho oppose fluoridation
claim this is "the camel's nose in the
tent" \\'hich will sen·e as a forerunner
for more compulsory medication, and
c\·cntually socialized medicine'.
Let us take a look at the opposing
claims on this vital subject.
1Bulktin of America's Tmrn _\/£ding of the Air,
:\lay 20. 19.56, \'ol. 22, .'\o. 3 .
.:i.(:itch, Dr. Gordon B., "Fluori<l.\ted \\";.1lN,"
Jh, fn.u11an , July, 19.56.
Page 11
THE CASE AGAINST FtUORIDATION
No o'E disputes that fluorides
arc deadly poisons. However,
some of the recommendations
"hich accompany definitions of fluorides
are of interest in the current controversy.
Amo~g these arc the following:
The noted authorit) on fluorine poisoning,
Leo Spira, ~l.D., says: "Poisoning
the drinking water, or contaminating
it with a highly potent toxin,
would be the correct description of
what is now being done."3
The 24th edition of the U. S. Dispensatory
(p. 1456) , a reference used
extensively by pharmacists and drnggists,
shows that "Fluorides are violent
poisons to all living tiss11e because of
their precipitation of calcium. They
cause fall of blood pressure, respiratory
failure and general paralysis.
Continuous ingestion of non-fatal
doses according to Sollmann (J. Pharmacol.,
1921, 17, 197) cause general
cechcxia and permanent inhibition of
growth."
This reference also states that fluorides
cause "analogous changes in
teeth," and that through ingestion of
fluorides "bones become hard and
fragile." It further states, "The use of
fluoride-containing dentifrices and internal
medicants is not justified.''4
While those who urge fluoridation
emphasize that children from the ages
of birth to 12 vcars will receive the
greatest benefits in elimination of
dental caries through the ingestion of
fluoridated water, the U. S. Department
of Agriculture Year Book, 1939
(pp. 212 and 213 ), under the title
"Food and Life," states: "Fluorine has
been shown to be the cause of disfiguring
dental disease known as mottled
enamel or fluorosis. Fluorine interferes
with normal calcification of teeth
during the process of their formation,
so that teeth, in addition to being usually
discolored and ugly in appearance,
are strncturally weak, and deteriorate
earlv in life. For this reason
it is especidlly important that fluorine
be awided from birth to the age of
12 years.""
1952 Fluoridation Hearings
The House Committee to Investigate
the Use of Chemicals in Foods
and Cosmetics, headed b7 Representative
James J. Delanc7 of ?\ew York,
heard the testimony of eighteen pro-
Page 12
fcssional witnessC's on fluoridation in
:\larch, 1952. The committee itself was
exceptionally w(•ll-qualified, as were
the witnesses, which included one or
more r('presentati\'es of all organizations
that have endorsed the program :
the United States Public Health Service,
the American Dental Association,
the American \ledical Association, the
Association of State and Territorial
Health officers, and the :\'ational Research
Council.
It was the unanimous recommendation
of this committee that "a sufficient
number of unanswered questions
concerning the safety of the fluoridation
program exists to warrant a conservative
attitude."H
Dr. A. L. l\liller, a member of the
committee, and former! v Pub lie
Health Director of 'ebraska: had onh
the year bcfon• initiated the propos;{l
to fluoridate the water in the nation's
capital. Following the Delancy hearings,
Congressman :\liller said: "I believe
that the dental profession and
other public-minded individuals like
myself have been misled by the Public
Health Servic(', because all of the facts
have not been made available on this
subject."7
H('centlv fluoridation in Tulsa, Oklahoma,
h~s been halted by Water
Commissioner Pat l\laguire. The Tulsa
Tribune, which favors fluoridation, reports
the charge tlrnt the Rockefeller
monc~ , through grants, controls what
medical schools teach about the value
of fluorides and that the same "empire"
controls the chemical companies
that sell the additive.
USPHS Reverses former Aims
One editor, himself a student of
chemistry, points out that sodium
fluoride compounds arc one hundred
times as dcadlv as calcium fluoride
compounds fou~d in natural fluoridated
water supplies, and fifteen times
more deadl7 than arsenic.'
Ile emphasized tl1at until the current
drive for fluoridation the U. S.
Public Health Service and others were
concerned about the fluoridation in
natural water supplies and were attempting
to discover methods of removing
the fluorine compounds. 8
\lajor C('orgc Racey Jordan, under
whose super\'ision airborne shipments
of fluorides were sent to Russia during
World \\'ar II, learned that this sub-stance
was used in the drinking wat
of Siberian prisoners, to dull th
thinking processes and force resign
tion of prisoners to slavery.0
Sp('aking recently at a patriotic CO
ferencc in \Vashington, D. C., \J;lj
Jordan refrrred to the test cities
:\'ewburgh and Kingston, cw Yor
where the U. S. Public Health Scrdc
has r('ccntly completed ten-year co:I
parative tests. In these tests, the c, j
of ewburgh was fluoridated, wlu
Kingston maintained a water sy It
free of artificial fluorides. The
called pilot test, Major Jordan clai!ll
is invalidated by the fact that Kin
ston water contains almost five ti1!1 I
as much natural calcium as does Ne'
burgh water.
That plans to fluoridate Ameri
water systems could be any part of
Communist master plan, that man)
our eminent dentists, physicians, a
health organizations could be misl
to the extent of honestly recommc11 I
ing furtherance of a procedure wh1
' 1
constitutes a Communist plot, is 11
thinkable to the average Amcric:
Herc appears tlie area of thinki
which pro-fluoridationists would h«
<lily label ...
''Scaremongering''
Yet, is it scaremongering to •
knowledge that we have within °
borders people who advocate t
overthrow of the United States g•
ernmcnt In force and violence '11
who wouki seek the support of '
1
cerc, loyal Americans to further th'
sinister plot? ~lilitary strategy ~
forth the protection of water supP
as one of the first principles of 0
fcnse. With the information doi'
mented by Congress that some of (II
most outstanding officials ha\'C ]Ji
misled through agents of foreign P''
ers, that these agcuts arc present
many ar('as of government and c I
life where they can most r('adil) l (Continued on page
·Frn1vrn, Mr\, Golth1, Fluoridt1tion h o \(
10 :~~I~;~~ ri.~~~ ~~i/.k Citizens Medical Heft (
Bureau, SttaukH, L. I., N. Y.
6Frum:cn, OJ'. cit. j
"Horty, Jnmt:s, "The Tmth About Fluoridj
1'11c l'rfl'man, Jun<' 29, 19.!):J. · 1'
' Milkr, C'..onli(rt''i'>nlnn A. L., "FluorJtflltl' I
\Vakr," ConJ,:rtnimwl Record, .\far. 4,
p. AJ~>OO.
hlurntionol .Veu:f St.·n ice, July, 19~6.
1•Jord.w, \f.ljor G~·orJ!t' Ha<."t·y, Stx"t·ch a~t
li<>th \Vomen'5 Pntriotic Confrrcnce, Jlotd
\V,\,hlrll{lon, I). ("., h·h. l i, 19.56.
F Arr. Font·"
T~~
tl
fluoride
harmfu
theoreti
Chines<
is wortl
The
trained
local p1
Ciations
tions in
0r. car<
Prevent
Ceivabl1
benefit~
Dent,
the m<
United
are a rr
A mt
is now
COrnmu
Huorida
•nd its
stratcd
neering
liow"
A se1
:narnel'
ine in
search I
of dent
to be '
amount
"'•itcr 1
h0od w:
•nc] tha
ath e U r
Uorosi1
~ Puhl
llOrid
l.5 Pan
A C(
!\1dv 1
\at(
1. on
lshcd (
of age
fbl irth , I
Uoride
•% th lit
. an do
1tle.frcc
tJu
1 s lcsi
olJows
l.-tining
1tles _
"not1gh
lllottlint
l >.c:rs J
inking wat
o dull the
xce resign
rv.U
J~\triotic cO
). C., \l•1i
:est cities
ew Yo~
~alth Sc0i1
en-year c0i:J
ests, the c~ii
dated, will
1Vater syst<
es. The
Jrdan claiJ11
:t that J(io
1st five tiiU' 1
~s does 'e'
1te Ameri 1
my part of
that man}
ysicians, nor
Id be rnisl
recornrnc"'
:edurc whi
: plot, is u
re ArneriC•
' of thinki1
s would Iv
ering to
e within
1dvocate 1
l States gi
violence J
pport of '
further th•
strategy "Ji
rater suPP
ciples of 0
nation cloC
t some of (1li
ls have bi
foreign P''
re present
cnt and c I
;t readil~
1
_
1ed on /)Oge
1tion h o ''"'
.1edical Heft
THE CASE FOR FLUORIDATION
r 11os1 who arc opposed to fluoridation
have not produced on
their own any evidence that
fluoride is not efficacious or that it is
harmful. Their objections arc mainly
theoretical and, to paraphrase an old
Chinese proverb, one good experiment
is worth one thousand opinions."11
The conscientious and highly
trained members of federal, state, and
local public health professional associations
study critically the investigations
in their field and do not lightly
Or. carelessly endorse proposals For
Preventive health measures whose conceivable
harm might outweigh the
hene6ts.30
Dental caries has been described as
the most prevalent disease in the
United States today. Decayed teeth
are a major school problem.
A measure to control dental caries
is now available in the fluoridation of
COrnmunitv water supplies. \Vater
fiuoridatio'n is economicallv feasible,
•nd its effectiveness has been demonstrated
- it is no longer in the pioneering
experimental stage.:1 1
'1ow We learned About Fluorides
A search for the cause of "mottled
;name!" led to the discovery of fluorine
in water supplies in 1931. Reearch
demonstrated that the Sl'\·erity
of dental fluorosis, as this disease came
to be called, is proportional to the
•rnount of fluoride present in drinking
"'•iter during that period of childhood
when the teeth are being formed,
and that, in the temperate climates of
the nitcd States, endemic dental
Buorosis docs not begin to constitute
~ Public health problem until the
1lOndc in the water supply exceeds
1.5 Parts per million.
A comprehensive epidemiological
~1dy by the research staff of the
~ational Institute of Health cstah-
1shec1 (a) that children 12 to 14 years
b~ age who have continuously, since
e'tth, used water with an optimal
Uoride concentration, have in general
:bout two-thirds less dental decay
1~an do children who have used fluorth~
·free drinking water, and ( h) tl~at
f is lessened amount of dental canes
~]]~\Vs the use of domestic water conldtning
as little as 1.0 ppm of fluor~
es - a fluoride concentration .low
no11gh not to cause dental fluoros1s or
ITtottling.at
I'
"<:-rs Font\! N1-:ws, September, 1956
Fluorine a Familia r
Dietary Substance
Fluorine is present in so many common
foods that the average adult diet
throughout the United States contains
from 0.25 to 0.30 mg. of fluorides per
dav. Fish is relatively high in fluorine.
Pahlum a widely used hah\ food, has
or has had from' 8.0 to 1.5.0 ppm. Tea
leaves have a high concentration,
ranging from 30.0 to 60.0 ppm.
Li\·er, which is prcscrihcd as one of
our health-giving foods, contains
fluorine.=i2
However, these food-home fluorides
arc insufficient for optimal dental
health, and many persons consider it
practicable to make up this deficiency
by adjusting the fluoride concentration
of the public water supply.
At least three million people in the
L'nited States, residents of 845 communities
in twenty-seven states, use a
community water supply in which
fluorides in concentrations of LO ppm
or higher are naturally present. In
many cases these water supplies have
been in use for generations. Except for
dental fluorosis when the fluoride concentration
is high, the health of these
people is apparently comparable to
that of people who reside in ~earby
fluoride-free communities. Stuchcs reveal
that cumulative toxic effects
following the use of such water are
highly improbable. A review published
in 1950 summarized the evidence
pointing to the conclusim~ that
there is no public health hazard m the
use of drinking water containing 1.0
ppm of fluorides.33
Newburgh-Kingston, N. Y., Tests
ewhurgh and Kingston, New York,
located about thirty-five miles apart
on the Hudson River, each with a
population of about thi1'.y thous~nd
and each using a fluonde-defic1ent
water supply, were chosen for comparative
study of the effects of fluoridation.
ewburgh's water supply was
treated with sodium fluoride on .\lay
2, 1945, bringing its fluoride content
up to 1.0, while Kingston served as
the control area, continuing to use
fluoride-deficient water without
change.
After ten years of fluoride expcric•
ncc, dental clinical and rocntgcn?graphic
examinations reveal that cl11l-drcn
ages six to nine in :'\ewburgh
who had been drinking fluoridated
water all of their lives had a D\IF
(Decayed, ,\l issing, and Filled) rate
for permanent teeth 58 per cent IO\\'er
than did Kingston children of the
same age.
There were about six times as many
children in Newhurgh, ages six to
nine who had all their deciduous cuspids'
and deciduous molars present
and cm·ies free than noted in Kingston.
Among the 438 children in Newburgh
who had had continuous residence
since fluoridation began, fortysix
children had questionable fluorosis,
twcntv-six had verv mild fluorosis. and
six sh~wed mild A~t0rosis. There were
no instances of moderate or severe
mottling. Questionable, very mild, and
mild fluorosis invol"e slight whitish
Hecks or opaque areas on the enamel
surface without any breaks in surface
continuity, excessive wear or staining.
Classification of fluorosis in these degrees
is based wholly on the extent of
the tooth surface involved, and only a
highlv trained eye can detect these
stage; of mottling. None of the instances
of dental Auorosis in Newburgh
children was disfiguring.
The 'ewhurgh-Kingston study has
demonstrated beyond question the effccti\'
eness and safety of water fluoridation
as a puhlic health procedure.34
Natural vs. Controlled Fluoridation
The onlv difference between natural
and controlled fluoridation from a
chemical standpoint is that natural
fluoride enters the water supply
through leaching of fluoride-hearing
rock traversed hv water, as compared
to the controlled addition of fluoride
compounds hy machinery. The form
of the fluorine in the water in either
case is that of the fluoride ion. It is of
(Continued on page 44)
:!•Lbell, Earl, Scil·nce Editor of th<.· \'cu: York
llerold Tribune, from Tou.·n Meeting. Bulletin of
\m('rica's To'' n ~IC'etinJ:t of the Air, \fay 20, J 9.154 .
'St. Louis ~1edic.1l Socidy, "\Vat<'r Fluoridation,"
..\ti..nouri .\fcdicine, F<•hnrnry, 19.')4, pp. 124-
142.
111Dt•an, II. Tr<·ndl(')', D.D.S., fonnt.•r dC'ntnl. din..•
ctor of U. S. l1uhlic lle;\lth Service, •·fluoridation:
\lass Control for Dl•ntal Caries," American
Journal of .\'ursit1g, Fl'l>nrnry, 19.52. .. ; ·al
ll!:Knutson, John \\'.. D.D.S., Dr. P. JI.. A1~ E': -
uation of the Grand lfapi<ls \\'utn Fluondaho~
ProjC'ct." Tiie Journal of T11c Miclliμan State Mcclrcal
Society, Se1>kmh(·r, 19.54.
1~~~.~'.b~i':~~~mi.?)oton Curies-Fluorh~e Study:
.Finni Ht.·port," Tlic Journal of t11('. 1h~u1rnn Dental
Association, March, 1956, pp. 290-3-.5.
Page 13
taxation
The
Primrose Path
/ ning, the
Mr. Vollmer, associated with tht income<
railroad industry since 1902, has bee~ 'defend
president of T exas and Pacific Rail· of the !if
way Company since 1945. A moll1 It becor
other activities, he is a director arrd dedicate•
vice-president of the Community Clie·' j security
wul Co1111dls of America, Inc. He /rn'
1 ~It rega·
won wide re('ognition for his colfl· ~ eharrn
By W. G. VOLLM ER
President, Texas and Pacific Railrrny
THE concept of national economic
planning for the people's welfare
had its inception in the
twenties, long before \\'oriel \\'ar Il or
the Korean conflict. Since that time, it
has gained stc•adily in strength, in
scope, and in adherents.
In the turbulent and tortuous history
of nations, the principle of economic
planning is nothing new. It is
the ' 'crv kcvstonc of communism, just
as it w~s of nazism and fascism.
\Vhen any go,·crnment takes over
the peacetime planning of the economic
affairs of its people, it becomes
also the high executioner of individual
freedom and opporhmity.
In the drafting of the Constitution,
our Founding Fathers must have recognized
the inherent evil of national
economic planning for the} made no
provision for such gow•rnmental acth·itics.
As a matter of fact, man} of them
Red their native countries to escape
the serfdom "hi ch such planning imposed.
In times of peace no economic plan
of the federal government is worth the
paper it is written on unless it is supported
with the power of execution.
And the power of execution carries
with it the power to control individual
action and to destroy individual freedom.
A planned economy b} a central
government means precisely what the
word "planned" implies.
It means that the federal government
assumes the right of exercising
control over certain phases of the economic
affairs of the people. Governmental
officials and bureaucrats decide
'' hat thev conceive to be good for
the people a~d thPn issue orders telling
them what tlwy can and cannot do.
Our farm pro!(ram is a case in point.
Page 14
The once rugged and independent
farmers ha,·e surrendered a considerable
measure of their freedom of
action upon the altar of artificial sceurih
disguiwd as a "fair return" for
th~ir products.
The farmers now plant whatever
crops the government decides upon.
\ nd thev also market their products in
a mannt:r carefully prescribed and rigidly
aclministl'rcd by the government.
Planned Economy
Destroys Freedom
The farm program is hut one segment
of our national economv which
has given way to national pianning.
~umerous programs control in various
ways thP supply and the price of
food , clothing and shelter, while' controls
of one form or another are exercised
over Pmployment and wages.
In times of peace if we accept the
principle that the federal government
possesses tlw right to plan any segment
of our economic welfare, then
WC' must he prcparPd to relinquish the
right to individual freedom.
\Ve cannot ha,·c both. Any disposi tion
to temporize or compromise thl'
principles of freedom mc•rely strengthens
socialistic planning.
Evef\! real \mcrican has within his
heart a· sincpre desire' to sec cvcf\!Onc
properly frd , clothed, sheltered, .educated,
employed at good wages, secure
in his job, in his health, and in
his old age.
There is a wide di!Icrcnce of opinion,
however, as to how all of these
things can be obtained. Some people
look to the government to provide
them. The} expect the government to
produce an economic miracle.
It cannot be done that way. The
government itself produces nothing. It
pany ' s 1.1 1stt. tutw. 1wl type o f acl ve rti·« 'll osfe
m. g, stressm. g the lu.g hest u. l ea l s o f thl 1negn tt oo a
American way of life. Zens, or
I PriVilegc
I lllUni tics
1lruction
0Pporh11
Those
is the people who produce the good·
and services that make life richr
more comfortahlc, and more cnjo~
able. . "'
The only way to provide more tJ11nj
for morl' people is for the pCOP
themselves to produce more. The soh1
tion thus rests with the people, not tlit
government.
In times of peace the national ph10
ners of our nation have supported an
advocated the principle that the go'
crnment, when vested with the powtl
to distribu tc income and procluctid~·
can bring about an improvement 1 j
the material welfare of all the peoPl'
This is economic nonsense, for \'I
more the government provides, t; I
more it impoverishes the peoP
through increased t<L,ation.
Government Must Take
Before Giving
It is tJ1p belief of those who s~
subscribe to our constitutional clcJll'
cracy, and thus often arc accused 1
being reactionaries, that it is the ~
sponsihility and the right of the in< 1
viclual to produce according to I~
capacity and to consume or disposeh~
what he• produces according to ·r
own judgment, provided lw resp<"
tlw similar rights of others. h''
The Constitution does not say t !ill
the federal government, acting in t ~
capacity of an economic planner, sh· 'I
promote the welfare of one person
the expense of another. . •
Nor docs the Constitution pr0'1 ~ I
that the federal government has 1 I
power to capture through taxatiOO
portion of a person's income and th
distribute it, in the form of grants·1
'
aid, to others. iii
A government which promotes 3
practices in times of peace, thro11
FACTS Fonl" \'E\vs, September, Jrff
nornic p
1ndividu
the supr
Those
lllent sh
,0ornic ~
share-th
CipJe is
St1rnptio1
taxation and national economic planning,
the distribution of the nation's
l with tht income and productivity ceases to he
2, .lws be~;. 'defender of equality and justice and
acific Rar of the life and property of the people.
5. A 111011t It becomes, instead, a government
'rector a11d 1edicated to taking one man's earned
unity C/r eil >ecurity and giving it to others withInc.
He /r ~, 1 "lit regard to the desires or wishes of
· his corll' the earner.
>/ atlvertii· Those who contend that tlw gm·ernleals
of 1ht lllent of the United States owes a liv-illg
to any citizen, or group of citi-
1
1.e?s: or that it should provide sp<'eial
PnV!lep;es and hcn<'fits to various com- I lllUnities, ar<' contributing to th<.' cl<'-
1lrtiction of freedom of action and of
0PPortu n i ty.
Those who contend that federal ('toe
the good· ~0rni~ planning is superior to that of
life richer 1~drv1dual planning arc advocating
norc enjo~ ' e uprcmacy of the state over man.
Those who contend that the governmore
thin\!' I ~ent should engage in national ('COthe
Jcopl I , 0mic planning are advocates of a
Th~ solu share-the-wealth" principle. This prin-rJep.
le n'o.t t~ (ipf e i.s prec 1r· catccI upon tIi e f a 1s c as-
, 111rrption that private saving is a sign
itional ph10
pportcd ao
hat the go'
h the po"·~
>roductid!I
rovement i I
the peopl•
lSC for ti I
rov"rc1 es, tiI
the peoP ·
n.
se who s~
'ional dcrll'
~ accused 0
it is the f'.
of the ind1
Jril
ding to ~
)r dispose
ding to h~
he rcspcCti
). t
not say tP: I 1ct.m g 1·n tJrl
lanner, sh·,1 I 1c person
·JI tion pro''
1cnt Ii as thl 1
h taxation
11e and th•
of grant1·11
t' "er Fonu'>r 'Ews, September, 19.56
of greed, and that the accumulation of
wealth is a sign of selfishness. As these
are precious rights the government
should never use its power in times of
peace to seizt' the fruits of one person's
labor and distribute them among those
whom the government dt'ems worth)
of its benevolence and its bounties.
Those who contend that the federal
go,·ernment should provide the man's
material welfare overlook the vital
fact that th<.' only sec11rity any person
can have lies within himself.
Government Can Distribute
Only Poverty and Enslavement
Unless man is free to act as an indiYidual,
free to he productive in his
own behalf, I rec to cktennine what
part of his production he wili consume
and how much he will save, and frt'e
to protect his savings and his property,
lw will have neither freedom nor security.
it sho11ld be rt'peated owr and over
aga111 that the federal government
cannot provide the people either with
U.S.A •
goods or scr\'iccs, or with real seeurity.
The government cannot make people
rich. But it can make the rich poor
by t;ning away their substance and hy
stilling their initiative and their incentive
to work, to prod11ce, and to sa\'e.
The only thing the government can
dish·ih11te evenly is poverty and t'nshn
·ement. These things are achie\'ed
through excessive taxation and regimentation,
both of which are the principal
tools of all economic planners.
It is worth recalling here what the
Greek writer Plutarch, \\ho liwd nt'arlv
nineteen hundred vears ago, had to
silY about hene,·olt;nt gm·ernments.
Ile made this ohser\'ation:
'The real destrowr of the liberties
of the people is he ~vho spreads among
them bounties, donations, and benefits."
\11 economic plannt'rs should ll('ed
that great truth before the principles
of our constitutional dt'mocraC\' han·
been weakened and made imiJotent.
The people of the nation also sho11ld
heed it.
(Continued on page 52)
Page 15
R·po11T1,c. \merican facts and
governmental policies on a
global scale is the responsibilitv
of the United States Information
Age~cy, of which 1'Ir. Theodore C.
Streibcrt has been director since it
was separated from the State Department
in 19.53. This agency plays a
key role in communicating to peoples
around the world the content and the
meaning of our foreign policies and
the principles by which Americans
live.
As a guest of Reporters' Roundup,
:\Ir. Streibert was shown traditional
courtesy, and acccptc•d in good grace
the challenging questions of :\Ir. L.
Edgar Prina, Senate correspondent of
the 'Vashington Ei:ening Star, and :\.Ir.
Donald O'Connor, Washington correspondent
of the Detroit Times. :\Ir.
Eugene Castle, author and outspoken
critic of the US!.\., in an earlier Reporters'
Roundup interview had insisted
that a more efficient propaganda
campaign could be conducted if the
informational activities no" dealt with
by the UST.\ were returned to the
State Department. \I any of the q uestions
fired at \Ir. Strcibert were based
upon \Ir. Castle's statements.
:\loderator Robert F'. IIurlC'igh, commentator
and director of \Vashington
operations for :\lutual Broadcasting
Company. stated that Soviet Russia is
no\\ pursuing a dual foreign policy
,d1ich at first glance may ap1war con-
Page 16
REPORTERS' ROUNDUP INTERVIEW OF
Theodore C. Streibe
Director of the U. S. Information Agency
and thm
to be f01
doubt if
nussia ii
"As a
inserted
it beeTJ
~she
Stalin -
degree t
to help
I nd tha
here Y•
tion, it
Characterizing as " wholly irresponsible" Mr. Eugene Castle Publishe
~ Ir. ~
this was
il'Cret"
charge in a recent Reporters' Roundup interview that we h
spent 700 million dollars on worthless propaganda without i
proving the situation , this official spokesman for USIA disclo
"the other side of the coin."
a Pur~o!
n eclito1
cizecJ th
Mr. Streibert points out the necessity for a reasoned approo' this way
to the circumstances of each foreign country through USIA's mor
1
"\Veil
Prina ~
med ia of communications. i(h '
rt1shc
tradicton, hut in \\'hich all individual
actions f~ll into a regular pattern.
"Some officials in \Vashington," continued
:\Ir. Hurleigh, "describe this
rPadjustment as a major turning point
in the struggle between communism
and freedom perhaps initiating a
new phase in what is called the cold
war. This phasl' is npw only insofar as
the Scl\ iets ban• added a new clement
to their old policy. That policy, pursued
from the start of the Bolshevist
regime, usl's propaganda, force,
threats. and infiltration to promote
world-wide Communist ends.
:-.Ir. Hurleigh referred to President
Eisenhower's suggestion that all
Americans "ho go abroad should bccoml'
ambassadors of good will to help
make the trnth of America's peaceful
goals and our respect for the rights of
others kno\\'n to mor<' people over-seas.
Khrushchev's Speech a Good Tool
:\Ir. Prina prefaced a question b)
pointing out that the \ 'oicc of America
has been broadcasting Khrushche" 's
speech in which he clcglorified Stalin
before· the 20th Congress of the Soviet
Communist Party.
"Can you t<'ll nw, \fr. Strcihert," he
asked, "just how this c•ffort on the part
of the Voice of America is aiding our
propaganda cllort?"
"\\ 'e ll, this is th<' grc·atcst confessional
for our purposes," replied \Ir.
People o
asa mea
"It ma
Streibcrt, "that has ever been. It sho , hert. "Yo
the extent of the terrorism and 11 ' ~hrt1shc
tyranny that is practiced under rech, I
Communist dictatorship.. It is t\ ept fro1
hope that the dcnunciat10n ma} ll<lse wa!
effC'ctive internally in some areas; • of accon
the other hand, the very ones who·' \II we ]
denouncing these practices parl1
' llious ris
pated in them. Also it shows tl1•1t 1
non-democratic government can ciir" V()A a,.
on these terroristic practices a!Z•11
the people as well as Party mernbt ti ln ans
This pronouncement is not against~ on rcg1
rorism as practiced against the pcO
11
~ere .att
of Russia. It is directed against t
1
l!)enca
Party members only." ~~ech i
That the Voice of America di~!~ St01 ~e o
comment on the speech, but siflll~ re1bert
broadcast what was believed to be tii' \t"That
authentic version, was pointed out j t{ O'C
\fr. Prina, who asked, "Ts there n°\I 1nk tha
danger that the present regime 01i~ !!as.ts are
use this to gain sympathy for it>\ I ~Jamm1
which, of course, would not work ., Yes,"
our benefit?" 'Ii e get t
"\Ve arc commenting on it no'' lti any fr
corrected :\Ir. treibcrt, "althoul(h . l\rany di
first we gaw only comments of nt'.11 ! e get
papers and editorials on it. We \\·,lit' j il!)ing 1
until the Daily Worker printed it ,is h· sate]
authentic, if unofficial, text. we • I 1a 1ch in
fully aware that it is their real ptll1~ i "'~llling
to gain sympathy for themselves. r., h s ther
are trying to get in a position of fli1 \~rd th
di~ting Stal'.n and exposing tl~e t ~scow.
thmgs he did as compared with , · Ir, St
good things they are going to do. Jill' f!ttr for a
ever, I don't think the satellite pt~'I te bei
1 I\,.__
FArrs Fonu'r NEws, September. ··•• F
and those of the free world are going
to be fooled by that in the slightest. I
· doubt if it even fools the p oplc of b Russia itself." e . "As a matter of fact, .Mr. Strcibcrt,"
lllserted Moderator Hurleigh, "hasn't
~LbeeTJ said that the speech by Mr.
"'lfUshchev - the downgrading of
Stalin - was actually leaked in some
degree to the outside world in orckr
to help their present propaganda -
•nd that behind the Iron Curtain,
Where you arc beaming this information,
it has not been allowed to he
iene Castle Published?"
iat we ha• thi ~Ir. Streibert acknowlcclgecl that
s was correct. "They try to hep it
without i ~ret," he stated, "and obviously for
)/A disclo¢ a Purpose. In fact, most surprisingly,
a? editorial in the Daily Worker criti~
· ;~~ed the Kremlin for handling it in
ed approo "US way."
US/A's moll p !Veil, actually, though," asked \ Ir.
~hna, "wa~n·~ it sup~oscc~ to he I rushchcv s 1cl a to give 1t to the
People of the Soviet Union piecemeal,
"'_a measured campaign?"
L It may he that," replied \fr. Stn•i-
•ccn. It sh0't ""h"r t · "Y ou can' t f at Ii om t Ii c1·r purposes.
ism and 1
I\ n1shchev did say at the encl of his
:eel under ~ech , as you know, that it must be
. It is tW ept from the press. \Vhat their purtion
maY ~ ~se was, or how devious their means
me areas: ,1. ~ accomplishing it, we do not know.
ones who ·~ II We know is that this is an enortices
par!I 1 lllous risk that they are taking."
;hO\\'S tJi;ll
ent can C'Jrl' VOA Broadcasts Jammed
;tices al(•111
rty membt t' In answer to Mr. O'Connor's quC'S-
~t against 1'
10n regarding whether the Russians
st the p<'°r11 ~ere attempting to jam the Voice of
against 1
1 lllerica broadcasts of Khrushcl1cv' s
. ell ?~ech as they have other USIA or
erica cl1d 1 St01ce of America broadcasts, \fr.
> but siflll~ ibert answeretl in the affirmative.
vecl to be 1~ \[ hat prompts the question," put in
>intccl out
1
th~· O'Connor, "how effective do you
s there no ""'.nk that the Voice of America hroacl-i~
...,,ts ·egime n1 • i . arc? Are the H.ussians succeC'ding
hy for ii'' 0Jamming them?"
not work ~·e l'cs," replied Mr. Streibert, "hut
"' get through. You see, we have so
on 1't ii<l'' I·l·l• an,, , f requ ncies and t I1 ere are so
"althoul(h
11
: \\'any different reception conditions.
'nts of 0~1 I llJ e get constant reports from people
~· We ."'·1:' tli:ing 0~1t of the Soviet as well as
mtecl it ·1
·, IVh' ~atelh.tes - newspaper people -
·ext. We I ~ !ch indicate that we do get through
real pu~ I 11;niing. Our own program director
iselves. . ne s there only a few weeks ago. He
tion of rt( \[•rd the Voice right in the middle of
:ing the 0scow "
·eel with 1
._ \1r. S~eih rt asked by i\fr. O'Con-
( to do. J(t11 t"iltl t f Or an estim' ate of the size of audi-
:ellite pt"'! tc being reached behind the Iron
195 ).' ~r 'ember. :rs Fo11ux1 NEws, September, 1956
Curtain, said that there is no means of
telling. However, it is a regular practice,
he disclosed, to ask everyone
coming out of Russia, diplomatic people,
visitors, newsmen, etc., whetllC'r
they have heard anything about the
Voice. 'We find," he concluded, "that
people arc aware of what is said on
the Voice, and that people' do hC'ar it.
\Ve have regular meetings of our
agency personnel to appraise information
received which leads to this definite
conclusion."
"You mention, for the most part,
people coming out of \loscow," \fr.
O'Connor said. "I am \\·ondering in
the vast steppes of Southern Russia,
and in the sections which we would
probably term 'rural areas' in this
country - is the average peasant or
Hussian person getting these ... "
"No," replied Mr. Streibert, "we
don't think that the average peasant
owns a receiving set. \Ve arc getting
to a higher grade of person, who may
he a manager or submanager, or a
Partv functionarv of some kind. These
are i;rohably Pa;ty people' for the most
part, hut not exclusively so by any
means."
" Propaganda" vs. Factual News
"Do you think that our propaganda
has much effect upon the average
Party member?" asked i\fr. O'Connor.
"\Veil, you misunderstand what we
are trying to do," Mr. Streihcrt replied.
"\Ve arc not trying to propagandize
those people against tlw Communist
Party when they arc members of the
Party . .. "
''You say we don't hope to influence
them or change their minds?" intcr~
uptcd Mr. O'Connor.
"That would be like propagandizing
11s against freedom and democracy,"
replied Mr. Strcibert. "It would fall on
deaf cars. \Vhat we are trying to do
is to give them the news of the outside
world as it really happens - particularlv
the news about the nitecl States
anci about Western powers so that
they will get the facts about what is
happening and what our policies really
are."
"But for what purpose, \fr. Streibert,"
inquired Mr. O'Connor, "if we
don't hope to change their minds?"
"A very specific purpose," fr. Sb·eibert
insisted. "If they find that what is
actually going on in the outside \Vcstern
world is different from what they
are learning from the Kremlin, it begins
to open up doubts as to the validity
of the Kremlin's statements on all
matters having to do with foreign policy
and perhaps will ultimately shake
their faith."
"Then we do hope," ~fr. O'Connor
said, "that it's not falling on deaf ears
- that we may influence them to some
degree."
"Well, yes, but we are not doing it
by exhortation and by what you call
'propaganda,' " stressed ~fr. Streibert.
"\Ve think, as I say, that news of the
outside world and commentary, or explanations
of \\'hat is going on in the
United States, and what we are like -
that those things h<n-c an effect."
Stalin's Demotion Shakes Faith
\fr. Prina questioned Mr. Streibert
regarding recent reports that reveal
worry on the part of satellite Communists
over the deglorification of Stalin.
"Communists outside Russia are asking
the question,'' he stated, "why did
these people laud Stalin until very
recently, and now start saying that he
was such a tvrant?"
"It causes . great confusion in Communist
Partv ranks, which makes it a
H'ry fine cle~·clopment,'' said \fr. Streibcrt.
"We are trying to promote it all
we can.''
~loclerator Hurleigh and ~Ir. Prina
joined in bringing up the point that
this has been true in ltalv, in this
countn·, and in France, as ~veil as in
Comm~mist China, - that it is almost
akin to the Stalin pact with Hitler.
"Yes, it's a complete switch,'' \Ir.
treibert agreed, "and a dHierent line.
I don't see how it can fail to shake the
faith of any intelligent person."
"\Ir. Streibert, may I ask you one
more question on the handling of this
speech?" asked ~Ir . Prina. "Obviously
you were in on the ground Boor of
high government discussions as to
how to handle it - the State Department
announcement, and so forth.
There have been reports that there was
a considerable body of opinion among
the top government officials that this
speech should not be put out by the
Department, but that it should pC'rhaps
be leaked out, or handled informally.
Can you tell us anything about
that?"
~fr. Streibert explained that he participated
only in the decision that it
should be released in total. Although
there was some question of whether to
release parts of the speech at a time,
in his opinion there was general agreement
that the whole document should
be released at once.
(Continued on page 47)
Page 17
The Supreme Court
Under Fire
High-level criticisms of r ecent Supreme Court clcci ions have h elped fomen t
nationwide prote ts from those who arc zealous in their defense of sta tes'
rights. Facts Forum News, p re cnting the cu stomary pro and eon side of
this controver sial issue, feels that the ease for the Supreme Court can he t he
argued by publishing resumes of two of the Court's b etter-known decisions.
Co~t'HO "° WEALTII OF P ENNSYLVANIA V. TEVE "'iELSON
SU:\1.'1ARY: In this case the question was whether the
federal Smit/1 Act, prohibiting the knowing ac/t;ocacy of
the overthrow of the United States government by violence
and force, s11perseded the Pennsylvania Sedition Act. The
defendant, a member of the Communist Party, had heen
convicted in the Pennsylvania state c011rts.
Chief Justice Warren's opinion held that Congress had
occupied the field to the exclusion of parallel state legislation.
The opinion of the Court, then, teas that the dominant
interest of the federal government precluded state
interr.:ention; moreocer, administration of state acts tcould
conflict tcith the operation of the federal plan.
Justices Reed, Burton, and Minton dissented. They
asserted that the Court should not coid state legislation
unless there was a clear mandate from Congress.
Chief Justice 'Warren delivered the opinion of the Court.
The respondent, Steve Nelson - an acknowledged member
of the Communist Partv, was convicted in the Pennsylvania
court for violation. of the Pennsylvania Sedition
Act' and sentenced to imprisonment for twenty years and
a fine of $10,000. The Superior Court affirmed the conviction
.... The Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, recognizing
but not reaching many alleged serious trial errors and
conduct of the trial court infringing upon respondent's
right to due process of law, decided the case on the narrow
issue of supercession of the state law by the federal Smith
Act.~ In its opinion, the Court stated:
And, while the Pcnnsyhania st,1tute proscrib<'S S('dition .1gainst
either the government of the United States or the gO\unnwnt of
Pennsylvania, it is only allc·gc•d sedition against tlw Unitc·d
States with whiC'h the inst<1nt case is conccrn<'d. Out of all the
voluminous testimony we have not found, nor h;1s anyone
pointed to, a single word indicating a seditious act or even
utterance dirc•eted against the gon•rnment of Pennsylvania.'
The precise holding of the Court, and all that is before
us for review, is that the Smith Act of 1940,4 as amended
in 1948,0 ''hich prohibits the knowing advocacy of the
Page 18
overthrow of the government of the United States by fo
and violence, supersedes the enforceability of the Penn11
vania Sedition Act, which proscribes the same conduct. I
It should be said at the outset that the decision in ti;
case does not affect the right of states to enforce th I
sedition laws at times when the federal government ~
not occupied the fie ld and is not protecting the enlt
country from seditious conduct. ... Nor does it limit tJI
jurisdiction of the states where the Constih1tion and 0
gress have specifically given them concurrent jurisdicti&
as was done under the Eighteenth Amendment and ,
Volstead Act. . . . 'or does it limit the right of the sti
to protect itself at any time against sabotage or attempt•.
violence of all kinds.0 or does it prevent the state fri'
prosecuting where the same act constih1tes both a fedfl' I
offense and a state offense under the police power .. ·
\Vhere, as in tlw instant case, Congress has not stat
specifically whether a federal statute has occupied a £i
in which the states are otherwise free to legislate, dilferl
criteria have furnished touchstones for decision. Thus:
This Court, in considC'ring thC' \iilidity of state laws in tli<
light of ... fodC'ral laws touehing tlw same suhjcct, has rnade
use of the following '"prc·ssions: conflicting; contrary to; occu·
pying the field; repugnanec•; diffc.rence; irreconcilability; inc<>Of
sistencyi violation; c:urtailnwnt; and interference. But none 0
these c•xprcssions providc•s an infallihlc constitutional tc·st or a~
exdusive constitutional rardsti('k. In the final analysis there c;ll'
be no one crystal-ekar, dist111dly-markc·d formula.'
. Congress determined in 194(! that it. was n~ccs~~
for 1t to re-enter the field of anbsubvers1ve leg1sh1tl
which had bee~ abandoned by it in 1921. In that yr•1r I
enacted the Smith Act. . . . ,
The Internal Security Act of 19.50 is aimed more dire'·
at Communist organizalions.8 It distinguishes het-1
'
1Pn Penal Coch• S<·ction 207, 18 Purd Pa Stat Ann S('ction 1207.
2 377 Pu .'58, IO·& A2d 133.
3377 Pa, ut 69, 104 A2d, ot 139.
t,54 Stat 670.
·18 USC S<'ction 2:185.
;;l~~e:~. •;;n7v~do1~~--~~~2 a~i ~C)2, 67, 85 L ed 581, 586, 61 S Ct 399.
~.30 USC Sc<:tion 781 et <·<1
' Id., Section 782 ( 3), ( 4).
lL' Jd ., S<"ction 786.
FACTS Fo11t1,r EWS, September, 1
....
Sediti
It· IS a
~tosccul
~fend a
th now I
at SU(
t<introJ
~ E:nfor
llJ.lcr
tatcs by fo
·the Penns1
e conduct.
1cision in tli '
enforce th' j
Members of the Supreme Court of the United Stoles. Left to right, scoted: Felix Fronkfurter, Hugo Black, Chief Justice
Eorl Worren, Stonley Recd, Wolliom 0 . Douglos. Stonding: Shermon Minton, Harold H. Burton, Tom Clork, ond John M. Horlon.
1crnmcnt 11' 'Communist-action organizations" and "Communist-front
1g the entir Organizations,"0 requiring such organizations to register
rs it limit tb 1nd to file annual reports with the Attorney General, givion
and 0 lllg complete details as to thC'ir officers and funds. 10
t jurisdicti1 th. · . The Communist Control Act of 1951 declares "that
nent and tl e Communist Party of the United States, although purt
of the st· llortcdlv a political partv is in fact an instrumentality of t a .. # ' or attcmP' S -conspirac~ to OH'rthrow the go\ernment of the nited
~e state frt' !ates" and that "its role as the agenc} of a hostile foreign
10th a fed I ~\Ver renders its c.,istence a dear, pr<'Sl'nt, and continuing
Jower .. · 1 <1nger to the Sl'Curity of the United States." 11 It also conas
not stat• '.ilins a legislatiw finding that tlw Communist Party is a
:upied a 6 ~ornn11111ist-action organization" within the meaning of
late differe . e Internal Securit} Act of 1950, and proddes that "knowon.
'Thus: 'ng" nwmbers of the Communist Part)' an• "subject to all
. laws in th' Provisions and penalties" of that Act. .. . '"
et, has rnad" j . \Ve l'xamine these Acts only to determine the congrcsary
to; occu· 10nal plan. Looking to all of them in the aggregate, the
bility; inCOJ l1Jnciusion is inescapable that Con"rcss has intended to
But none !)(: "
ial test or•'" ·cupy tlw field of sedition. Taken as a "hole, they evince
1sis there""" ~Congressional plan \\ hich makes it reasonable to deter-
1ne that no room has been left for the states to supplC'vas
necr»· I 'lJ~nt it. Therefore a state sPdition statute is superseded,
e lcgisJnll
1 that yr•1'
more dire<'
hes bet''.,
1207.
61 S Ct 3gg.
I~ ' ~ardlrss of "hrtlwr it purports to supplement the fcd-
·ral law. .. .
I Sedition against the L.:nited States is not a local offense.
pt ts a crime against the nation. As such, it should he
{ 0sccutcd and punished in the f(•deral courts where this
1 ~fendant has in Fact been prosl'cutl'd and convicted and
t~.now under srntl'nce. 13 It is not onl) importanthu.t vital
t/t snch pros(•cutions should he l''cl11s1vely "1th111 tlw
JntroJ of the federal gon•rnnwnt. ... ''
Q l::nforc(•ment of state sedition acts presents a serious
an~cr of conflict with the administration of the federal
l'
>.r:r-s Font·,r '\i-:ws, Scplcm/Jcr, 19.56
program. Since 19.'39, in order to avoid a hampering of
uniform enforcement of its program by sporadic local
prosl'cutions, the fedrral government has urged local
authorities not to intervene in such matters, hut to turn
O\ er to thr federal authorities immediately and unevaluated
all information concerning subversive activitirs. Thl'
President madr such a rrquest on September 6, 1939, when
he placed the Federal Bureau of Investigation in charge of
im estigation in this field:
Th" Altom<') Ct'mral has been rl'queslecl h) Ill<' to instruct
Ill<' r\•cleral Bureau of lnH·st1g.1tion of the Dl'parlment of Justit'('
to takt.• charge of in,·cstigati,·e work in matll'rs rt.'htting to
t.•spionag:P, s.lhotag:(', an<l , -iolations of the neutrality n•g:11lations.
This li.1sk must lw conducted in a <·ompr<.>h('nsin_• and t•ffecth·c
manner on a 11alion;.1l h<lsis, and all information must he care~
fully sifted out and correlated in order to <l\<lld confusion and
irn•sponsibility.
To this .. ncl I r!'qu«st all polic<' ofli<ws, sheriffs, and all other
law enforc!'lll!'nt offit'!·rs in the Umt~d St.tl!'s promptly lo turn
oyer to the.• nc.·arc.•st repn·stntalin• of the Fc.•c.kral llurc.•au of
I nn·stig;.tlion any infonn;ttion obtained hy them rt'lating to
c.•..,pionaJ!<', c:ounll'r('spionage, sahota~c.·, suhn•rsin.• at:ti' ilies ;.tnd
'i0Lltio11s of thl' rn: utralit) laws.1
Jn his hr id the Solicitor General states that forty-two
states, plus \laska and Hawaii, have statutes which in
some form prohibit advocacy of thr violent on•rthrow of
l'stahlished gm·crnment. These statutes arc entitled antiscdition
statutes, criminal anarcln laws, criminal syndicalist
laws, etc. Although all of thc'm arc primarily ~lirected
11 .50 USC ( 19:;.i; Supp ) St.·ction 8.U.
lei., S( ·<;tion 8·11.
(Conti11t1l'd on !'age 38)
·l ' nitl'd Stak .. ' . \lt.·.,aro:-.h [:\elson] DC P.1) 116 F Supp .H.'5, a ff cl.
( C.\:)d ) 22.l F2d 1-H>. cnt ~r 3.50 t.:S 9 22., JOO Ltd ( Ad\,\nc.·t· 1l 1:37 ) , 7Cl
s Cl 218.
11:377 P.•, ,\l 76, 10 i \2d. at l 12.
1 Tlw Puhlic: P.1pt·rs 1111<l .\ddrt.·\-,rS of Fr.mklin D. Roo~t·H·lt, 1939 Volume,
pp. ·178--179 ( 1911).
Page 19
1--·-""-
'
.~ TlO tv "·v "~·
-
Jl'~
rather
ing t~
gists 2
Irat
rnains
zant <
remaii
saying
to the
Mw
critici!
from J
ciatim
of 28 t
ing Ii
L'nitec
rnine ·
1tate I
Gove1
Alsc
gov en
ended
Court
Ution
\Vere
Court
Siona!'
laws 1
\!emt.
laws t
<·rnpt
llnless
Sen1
\tiss.)
\Yis. J,
nty S1
stated
cusc
?eing
Jt1dici·
"follo~
\fo(
his ti
rnann1
Petcnt
lvho n
gress.'
decisi1
Penns
5how '
irresp1
A c
};',..crs
stitut io~
- -------TH E SUP R EME C OURT UNDER FIRE
Presented below a re the arguments of those who maintain that
the Supreme Court is substituting psychology for law and sociology
for the Constitution. These disturbed critics hold that federal
preemption has sounded the death knell for states' rights.
J l'STJCT.S of the United States Supreme
Court have been accused
of amending the Constitution
rather than interpreting it, substantiatin~
their decisions by citing socioloi:
ists and psychologists.
Irate citizens, seeing what little rernains
of states' sovereignty and cognizant
of the rapidity with which the
remaining mite is being dissipated, are
saying that the judicial line is forming
to the left.
Much of the present widespread
Criticism of the Supreme Court comes
from high places. The National Association
of Attorneys General, by a vote
of 28 to 12, adopted a resolution favoring
limitation of the power of the
lJnited States Supreme Court to deterrnine
whether federal laws superccde
1tate laws.
Governors Rap Court
Also, the forty-eighth conference of
governors at Atlantic City in June
ended with a rap at the Supreme
Court. The governors adopted a resolUtion
saying that conference members
1vere concerned by decisions of the
Court, which have held that congressional
enactments superccdc state
laws and thus preempt those fields.
\ !embers called on Congress to frame
h11vs that cannot be construed to preempt
any lleld against state action
tinless such an intent is stated.
Senators James 0. Eastland ( D\
Jiss.) and Joseph McCarthy (R\
Vis.), before a Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee hearing on June 26,
stat d that although they did not acbu~
e Chief Justice Earl Warren of
. eing a Communist, his expressed
tHdicial opinions have certainly hecn
following the Communist Party Jim>."
,, \fo arthy said at the beginning of
•us testimony that the ourt was
lllanned for the most part by "incomPetcnt,
irresponsible, left-wing Judges
IVho regard themselves as a super Congress."
Ile added he thought that the
decision in the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania v. Steve Nelson case
~howed a "rock-bottom low in judicial
1tresponsibility."
A disturbed public has begun to
i;-ACI's FoRu~r TEws, September, 1956
Yiew the Court as an uncommon denominator,
and feels that the newlymintcd
laws of aforesaid Court are
contributing to a Disunited States of
America.
Representative E. L. Forrester ( DGa.
), speaking before the House of
Representatives, quoted George \Vashington
in his "Farewell Address":
If, in the opinion of the p('Ople, the
distribution or modification of the constitutional
powers he, in any P•lrticular
wrong, let it he corrected hy an amenclnwnl,
in the way which the Constitution
clesignat('s. But l('t there h(' no change by
usurpation; for though this, in one instance,
may be the instrnment of good, it
is the customary weapon hy whieh frt•c
govcrmnenls arc dcstroyccl.1
Our revered first President was
warning the people against the ,·cry
thing which many persons say exists
today. Critics maintain that the Supreme
Court is usurping functions
which belong exclusively to the states
and to Congress.
The time was when the Court justified
the confidence of the people; it
was a veritable roadblock in the pathway
of any group seeking to weaken
the American government. However,
time changed things, say present-day
critics. Vacancies occurred, and courtpacking
became the vogue. Then came
an era of usurpation, an era which saw
a rewriting of the Constitution. The
Court decided that changed conditions
called for changed laws, and
began to read into the Constitution
meanings which many people say
were not intended by those who wrote
the Constitution.
Members Dissent
Dissenting members of the Court
htn-c themselves cried out against the
Court's seemingly irresponsible actions
in reversing not only long-standing
decisions, hut even in reversing its
own previous decisions. Justice Roberts,
in the case of Smith v. Al/wright
( 321 U. S. 649), stated:
The reason for my coneern is that the
instant decision overruling one announced
ahout nine years ago lends to bring adjudication•
of this tribunal into the s.1me class
as a restricted railroad ticket, "good for
thi• day and uain only."'
Supreme Court Justice Reed, in a
publication entitled Current Biography,
is quoted as follows:
If hy interpretation hased on moderation,
social and economic e\pl'riments. we
can a<h-anc<' steadily tow.ml our ohjectiw,
we can avoid dan~<.·rous ('\pc:rimcnts of
hmdamental constitutional change.•
In view of the foregoing it has been
claimed by many that there is an intention
to change the Constitution, not
by amendment, but by interpretation
predicated on economic and social
experiments. \Villiam 0. Douglas has
stated that instPad of being bound b~
the Constitution, the Supreme Court
may change its meaning to something
more in line with the Court's ideas of
modern needs. In his rpccnt book he
stated that the charter of government
must he kept current with the times,
and that it should not be allowed to
become archaic or out of tune with
the needs of today. Douglas mentioned,
further, that it takes a new
generation to catch a broader vision,
and that this might require the undoing
of the work of prcdcccssors.4
Question Is Raised
The question is then raised by critics
whether, under such a system, the
Constitution would come to have no
meaning.
In the past there has been a hesitancy
to take the Supreme Court to
task.. Being "supreme," it was thought
that its members could do no wrong,
that the J usticcs were worthy of respect
and above criticism.
~ow , however, some people are
saying that the J uslices have gradually
arrogated unto themselves executive
and legislative powers. It is
charged that they arc attempting to
run the government in accordance
with their own philosophies. Rcpresen
ta ti ve Francis E . Walter ( DPenn.
), chairman of the Un-American
Activities Committee, has said that
sometimes Supreme Court Justices
seem to live in ivory towers, with the
blinds drawn."
18·1 Congrcuional Record ( 1956), pp. 8507-8.
']b;d., p. 8508.
/b;d., p. 8509.
'Ibid., pp. 8509-10.
"Ibid., p. A4332.
Page 21
--------THE SUPREME C 0 UR T UNDER FIRE:--------
:\ recent newspaper editorial stated
that the constitutional question before
the American people, since Earl \Varren
became Chief Justice of the Supreme
Court, was whether the Court
was a third house of Congress that is
legislating on its own.0
The Tenth Amendment states that
powers not delegated to the United
States bv the Constitution, nor prohibited
bv it to the states, are reserved
to ·the states respectively, or to
the people. According to critics, the
Supreme Court has ignored this
amendment, for in case after case the
Court has whittled awav the basic
rights of the states.7 The I3ill of Rights
notwithstanding, it has come to pass
that if Congress legislates even on the
fringe of an~ field, tlw conclusion by
the Court has heen that such field
will be occupied by federal law. This
would allow the Supreme Court to
divine the intent of Congress.R
Suppose, then, that Congress passed
an aid-to-education bill - might not
the Court maintain that Congress intended
to preempt the field of education
even to the selection of textbooks?
The same holds true for the
field of labor.
H. R. 3, introduced hy Congressman
Howard W. Smith (D-Va.), would restore
some measure of independence
to the states. BrieA,, this bill states
that no act of Cong;·ess shall be construed
as indicating an intent on the
part of Congress to occupy the field
in which the act operates, to the exclusion
of state laws on the subject,
unless such act contains express pro,
·ision to that effcct.0
Man Has Struggled
Throughout history man has struggled
for freedom. And, in realitv,
there can be no freedom unless the;e
is freedom from government. \Vhen
the government acquires power, no
matter what the pretext, it is always
at the expense of indi,·idual freedom.
\\'hen go\'Crnnwntal power goes up,
the power of the people goes the other
way.10 In view of this a great many
persons are saying that the "nine-mantheme"
being "played" by the Supreme
Court is in reality a dirge for states'
rights.
Former President Franklin D.
Roosevelt on \larch 9, 1937, commenting
on a decision of the Supreme
Court, said:
Page 22
WIOF. WORt.D PHOTO
Chief Justice Earl Warren, an Eisenhower appointee,
hod no previous experience as a judge.
The Court, in addition to the proper use
of its judicial functions, has improperly
set itself up as a third llo11se of the Congress
- a supcr-lc•gislat11re, as one of the
J11stices has callc·d it - reading into the
Constitution words and implications which
are not th<'rc ....
Our difficulty with the Court today risc·s
not from th<' Court as an institution but
from human beings within it."
ot only have former Presidents
taken exception to Supreme Court
usurpation, but there are any number
of men high in governmental circles
who are worried by the way that the
Court has disregarded precedent and
sallied forth upon the "uncharted seas
of pseudosociology and neo-Freudian
psychology." 1 ~
Senator James 0. Eastland, Chairman
of the Senate Judiciary Committee,
stated in a speech before t!te Senate
that the only time when the high
appellatt• court of any \Vestern nation
rC'sortc·d to textbooks and the
works of agitators to sustain its decision
was when the high court of
Germanv smtained Hitler's racist laws.
Senat~r Eastland went on to say,
regarding the school segregation case,
that the United States Supreme Court
cited "modern" authorities as its authority
to change the constitutional
guarantees of the reserved natural
right of the people to freedom of
choice and of the states to regulate
their public schools. One such authority
on psychology to override the
Constih1tion was Theodore Brameld.
He is cited as having been a member
of no less than ten organizations de·
clared to he communistic, Communist·
front, or Communist-dominated.
Eastland stated that one E. Frank·
Jin Frazier was another authority cited
by the Court. The Bies of the Commit· I
tee on Un-American Activities reflect
eighteen citations of Frazier's connec·
tion with Communist causes.
Another authority cited by the
Court, according to Eastland, was one
K. B. Clark, a Negro so-called social I
science expert employed by the prin·
cipal plaintiff in the segregation cases·
the AACP. Eastland said it was "un·
usual" procedure for any court to
accept a litigant's paid employee as an
authority on anything, let alone as an I
authority to he put above the Consti·
tution. 13
Additionally, the Supreme Court, to
support its findings, referred to }.fyi" I
dal's An American Dilemma, 19.J.1
Myrdal wrote that the Constih1tion of
the UnitC'd States is impractical and
unsuited to modern conditions. And
additionall;. that its adoption was al·
most a plot against the common
people. 11
Loyalty Questioned
It is a matter of record that soO'le
of Myrdal's associates are member~ 0J j
organizations which have been cite"
by tlie Department of Justice as sub·
versivc. In fact, sixteen names arc ai·
sociated with :\1yrdal in the writing](
An American Dilemma, 1944 - a
"social experts." The Communist and
Communist-front organizations with
which the :\lyrdal advisers were afllli·
ated are numbered in the dozens. ]I
would seem, then, that the Court haS
reversed the law of the land upon t]ir
authority of men whose loyalty to thC
United States is subject to grave ques·
ti on. Hi
H.epresentative Henderson Lanha11
(D-Ga. ), speaking before tlie nous<'
on \lav 22, stated that the troubl<
with th~ Court is not political corrt1!1'
tion; rather, it is corruption of idea'
(Continued on page ;;9
"LOT An~dt'T lfrrald-t~xvrcu, \lay 1.5, 19.'56.
7/l>id., p. 8.'373.
Ibid
%W . ~
1''Frnnk Chodorov, ''Sl•f>Tl'ml' Court AJ!a1n'>t
of Highl<i," lfuman En·nts (\lay 26, 1956).
1184 CouJ,:rt'.\Si<mol Jlecord ( 19.56), p. 7887.
1 '/IJid., pp. 7887-8. \
11"\Vhal''l th<-• Story Bd1incl the SeJ!rt·J.(;1ti011 .S1
thonllt·s," Facu Forum .\'cu:., (S<•ptember, 19
pp. 28~29.
UflJid,
1 J1•mf·S F. Jlyrn<'"· "Th<' Supn·nw Court \fud J"
Curl)("d," U. S. 'Jcw1 and \Vorld Report ('\fl\Y
1956), '" .54.
FACTS FoRuc..r
'ations de·
ommunisl·
ited.
E. Frank·
1ority cited
e Commit· I
ties reflect
r's connec·
s.
ed by the
d was one
J led social I
f the prin·
ttion cases·
'twas "un·
court to
oyee as aJl
.lone as a~ I
:he Const!·
e Court, to
!d to ~ryr·
ma 19Jl·
;tih;tion of
1ctical and
fons. And·
on was al·
1 common
that soJllf
nem brrs of I
been cite"
ice as sulr
nes are a»
1wnt·i n· ,.",o fI
944 - :ii
nunist and
tions with
were afEll·
dozens. JI
Court haS
d upon the
·alty to the
:rave ques· I
I
on LanhaJll
the noust'
he troubl•
cal corruv·
•n of idC·1'
on page j
15, 19.56.
a Facts Forum News
condensation of the book . ..
Copyright 1954 by P. J. Kenedy & Sons
12 Barclay St ., New York 8, New York
Used by special permission of the publishers.
INTRODUCTION
T his is a true story of well-nigh incredible events as they took place, and
of the progress of a sensitive soul from the torments of darkness into the
relief of light.
The narrator is Dr. Bella V. Dodd, formerly a member of the |
