Party dissolved itself and then by another resolution the
delegates re-estabhshed it under the name of the Communist Political Association, which brought me to its top
leadership. I was now supposed to be part of the inner
The new change of name puzzled many both in and out
°f the Party. I knew that one immediate reason was to lay
*he basis for leadership of the Communists for the re-elect-on of Roosevelt, since Earl Browder was the first to call
Publicly for his re-election to a fourth term. I also knew
•hat the new name had a less ominous sound to American
ears. Even so, it had been a drastic thing to do.
Those who thought they knew the reason explained it
to me thus: The current line in world communism was
low based on the Roosevelt pledge to the Soviet Union
°' mutual coexistence and continued postwar Soviet-
■Wrican unity. If that pledge were kept and if the march
to World Communist control could be achieved by a diplomatic unity arising out of official Soviet-American rela-
™ns, then there would be no need of a militant class-
^■"oggle party. The Communist Political Association would
O-^ome a sort of Fabian Society, doing research and en-
°aged in promoting social, economic, and political ideas
o direct America's development into a full-fledged Social-
*Se convention over, we turned to the most important
'em on the Party's agenda, the re-election of President
Roosevelt for a fourth term. For this end the National
^-"nmittee met immediately after the convention.
My duties were various. I continued to exercise control
, ver the Communist teachers. I bad been able to lay the
^-sis for affiliation of the Teachers Union with the NEA.
pS an official member of the New York State Board of the
arty and on the state committee, I was second to Gil
reen in charge of political campaigns. I was assigned
I^0 immediate tasks: the defeat of Hamilton Fish in the
'wenty-ninth Congressional District and the building of a
%v York division of the progressive farmers and business-
"■en for re-election of Roosevelt. In this election the Communists served as the major co-ordinating factor.
New York, because of its large voting power, was the
*rective center of the campaign. Press releases from New
ISk enlarged on by the leading New York papers, set the
/ne for hundreds of newspapers and radio stations in the
pV the success of this election the American Labor
arty moved into high gear. The New Liberal Party,
J&m'zed bv Alex Rose and David Dubinsky, along xvith
^°rge Counts and John Cbilds, also played an important
°'e- This latter group differentiated itself from tbe Com-
J^-ists and often attacked them. In reply the Communists
lacked them, even though they were on the same side
11 the election campaign. It was fascinating to see how
^si*v the Party personnel acclimated itself to its new role
. Pulling all forces together. They rubbed elbows with
j^t-Xt leaders, with underworld characters, and with old-
e Political bosses.
While I was in active work I was reasonably happy, but
and Roosevelt re-elected, I
, *n the campaign was over
Nd myself depressed. One reason was a peculiar strug-
| for power which I saw emerging. Disputes began to
j?VeIop between open and concealed Communists. These
^Putes were resolved by Browder himself, if necessary,
"<* always in favor of the concealed members. I felt a
VCfs Forum News, September, 1956
,'nti: WORLD I'll.
Building owned by the Communist Party, ot 35 East Twelfth Street, New
York City. First floor: Workers' Bookshop and entrance to elevators. Second
floor, leased to other business. Third floor; New York County Communists.
Fourth floor: storage rooms of International Publishers, the Communist
book-publishing firm headed by Comrade Trachtenberg. Fifth floor: New
York State Communists. Sixth floor: Jewish Commission, and offices of
Yiddish paper, the "Freiheit." Seventh and eighth floors, "Doily Worker."
Ninth floor: Headquarters ol the Communist Party, U.S.A.
grow ing competition between these groups, and I wanted
to run away from it.
I worked for a while with the Communist Youth who
were just starting a campaign in favor of universal military
training. This campaign did not seem to fit in with the
Teheran perspective for a long-term peace, nor with the
happy optimism that was promoted when tbe Nazi armies
were broken and peace seemed near. All straws in the
wind pointed to ultimate state control of the people.
When the Yalta conference bad ended, the Communists
prepared to support the United Nations Charter which
was to be adopted at the San Francisco conference to be
held in May ancl June, 1945.
The two campaigns wen- geared to two different purposes: the need to control the people in the postwar
period, and the need to build a world-wide machine to
preserve peace. The Communist leaders were not envisioning a peace mechanism without armies.
JlSy April, 1945, there was evidence of trouble in the
Communist Party. Two foreigners appeared in our midst,
recently come from Italy: Berti and Donnini, a smooth,
attractive pair. They represented the international Communist movement and it was clear that Browder's approach
to the national problem was in disfavor with some sections
of world communism. These two men were responsible
for translating and giving to the Scripps-Howard press a