of the Constitution. Any justice who fails
tf) measure an action against any and all
provisions of the Constitution is not car-
tying out the duties of his position and is
violating his oath of office. Therefore, the
three little words" would seem to be
•Uperfluous language. In our lay opinion,
"*e same may be said of the entire pro-
Posed amendment, with or without the
wree little words, because it does not re-
Quire the application of any new criteria.
We are persuaded to this conclusion by
fre simple logic of the situation. The Su-
Ptvine Court has already asserted its belief
tr|;it a treaty can be used to make legal
*nat the Constitution forbids (in Missouri
°». Holland) and must have made its deci-
Sl°n after judging whether the subject
freaty violated "any provision of" the Confutation. Since the Court could and did
J°ld the Migratory Bird Treaty - a treaty
Jteliberately and notoriously entered into
'0r the purpose of violating the Constitution — to conform to all provisions of the
institution, a more intornatinnalist-inind-
j** court certainly would not he restrained
y an amendment that at best is an
'."''iiimilioii to (he courts to judge a treaty
ln terms of whether it violates "any proei-
(" the Constitution. In fact, since the
Paginal resolution was first proposed, we
jj*ve se< n the Supreme Court usurp the
'""'ion ot the Congress and literally
'1 the Constitution is what the Supreme
'n,iit says it is, and you it ml your eol-
^glies hold this to he true, then there is
^^ning in the proposed amendment that
[lr,'v,'iits the Supreme Court from ruling
*}'(Xt it is not a violation of the Constitu-
!°11 to do all the things that have heen
('"11' and or do all the things we are rear-
"' ma> be done.
A '' not only find no protection for
J^erica in this latest, or Dirksen proposal,
,'* We find that it contains a provision
1,11 could give constitutional authority for
p';"iti\,- ,irts that arc now illegal. It re-
l'"es no unusual exercise of the imagina-
0ri to foresee that this proposed amend-
,"'"'• if submitted to and approved by
e states, would promptly he field to give
e President power to make international
jlJ;'" inents having the force and validity
. *rcaties, without consulting the Senate.
t, l,,s we could, with logic, anticipate that
r j- future of our foreign relations would
. U°w the pattern established b> the no-
J^°uslj disastrous and secret, yet still
Renounced, Yalta Agreement. . .
'in,illy, it is our belief that this revised
I °Posal would appear to have originated
Partisan and personal political concerns,
1(,r than concern for our country.
t 's our recommendation that you re-
L. °e this proposed amendment; and
, ""■ resolution die at the close of the
'■ In any event, we cannot snp-
Vigilant Women for the
!-il„.,.I, is alwayi danfferoiu, l'i't
'* tlie >afrsl tiling we have.
— IIaiikv Emersom Iosdick
The Three-Dimensional Man
By A. M. Sullivan, P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 12 Barclay St., New York 8, N. Y., 1956, 297 pp., $4.00.
Ideally developed, the human being
i.s three-dimensional, possessed of "a
personal integrity, a community responsibility, and a spiritual awareness." Thus avers Mr. Sullivan, himself
multi-dimensional, having won recognition as poet, business executive,
magazine editor, film and radio writer.
To his titles must be added that of
This book is not for quick reading
and laying aside, but rather for treasured ownership and reference. Mature
in outlook, it should nevertheless appeal to the youth whose thoughts "are
long, long thoughts," bestowing upon
him a wealth of ideas of which he will
say, later: "I'm glad I learned that
while I was young."
A handful of quotations may serve
to buttress the foregoing comment.
Of Education: "The show-off wears
his culture on his sleeve." "The act of
learning is a selfish enterprise unless
we can find a way to share our knowledge with others and test its quality."
"The search for learning is a quiet venture for the person who looks beyond
emotional vehemence and violence for
the essential fact."
Of Government: "Periodically men
arc tempted to hand over their total
liberties for any semblance of comfort
and security. It is always a bad bargain."
And again: "The cry of 'one world'
has attracted the attention of political
moralists who fail to realize that internationalism is not the antonym of nationalism, but is the absorbing sponge
that obliterates political identity, ceo
nomic independence, and cultural personality. World government is a
trap. . . ."
In philosophic vein: "Despite the
long history of human perfidy, inequality, and folly, virtue has maintained a slim managerial control."
"The tragedy of Spectacle recreation
is that it limits or forbids the participation of the individual. It is infinitely better to be a marcher in a parade
than a spectator, even though then1 is
v *> Fori m News, August, 1956
Consult your bookstore for books
reviewed here — or ter'tte to filth-
a vicarious thrill in looking on and
Touching American history, some
interesting side roads, commonly bypassed, are explored with zest by this
author, who obviously delights in presenting the unfamiliar.
If there be a flaw, it would be in the
style, which so abounds in parallel
construction and in lyrically-cadenced
prose, that it could bear the occasional
introduction of a sharp sforzando. a
meandering ruhato, or a dissonance
half-resolved. On the whole, however,
it is a satisfying collection of polished
Face of a Victim
By Elizabeth Lermolo, Harper & Bros., 49 East
33rd Street, New York 16, N. Y., 1955, 311 pp.,
The 1934 assassination of Sergei M.
Kirov, then secretary of the Leningrad
Communist Party and ranking second
only to Stalin, resulted in a wide netting of suspects. One of these, Elizabeth Lermolo, was brought to Stalin
for his personal questioning at NKVD
Her connection with the crime rested upon two pieces of "evidence":
(1) She was the pretty wife, about 30,
of an exiled officer of the White Russian army; (2) Her name and address
were found in the notebook of Leonid
Nikolayev, slayer of Kirov.
Elizabeth had by chance talked
with Nikolayev when, during the previous summer, he had visited his aunt
in the provincial village where Elizabeth was living in exile. Under Soviet
law, the circumstances established her
guilt as co-conspirator, and as "confirmed foe of the working class."
Condemned without a trial, she was
for eight years shunted about from
one to another of eight different "isolators," or special prisons for political
prisoners. In them was no forced labor,
as in the concentration camps.
Miraculously, she survived the indignities, the bitterness, the misery;
finally escaped and was reunited with
her husband. Alter long hardship as
refugees from Russia, they eventually
found sanctuary in America.
Elizabeth attributes her life, her