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would succeed in prolonging international frustration, and
would present a hotbed for insidious socialistic and communistic infiltration and growth.
Communism is socialism gone to seed. We do not have
the united nations anticipated under the charter but two
groups of nations that are widely separated. The Russian
concept of security has split the world into halves. It is
quite possible that the human race has not yet suffered
sufficiently to visualize the disaster likely to follow atomic
warfare.
Since it is apparent that Russia's consistent "veto" has
been predicated on a violation of the pledge of the member states to give every assistance to the UN, and to refrain
from assisting any state against which the UN is taking
action, it is imperative that a laissez-faire attitude approving the status quo may no longer be tolerated.
4. The Better-lmplementationists
A fourth school of thought favors bolstering the UN
organization. It would provide greater force of men,
munitions, and foreign aid; or would supply additional
power — or all.
There seems to be little sense in giving ourselves away.
We permit urgently-needed domestic programs to languish
because of professed lack of funds. At the same time, our
spending has been such as to produce annually upwards
of S12 billion for interest on past deficits, without amortization, while still going deeper into debt.
Economic prodigality has thus far characterized this
country's support of the crumbling world situation. The
recent report of the President's Materials Policy Commission revealed the United States is possessed of an exhiius-
ible residue of resources, rendering a possible crisis by
1975, at the present rate of dissipation. This very possibility was envisioned by Stalin and his associates; it
appears to be a definite part of the Soviet over-all strategy,
Americans in growing numbers believe that a permanent
give-away policy will not solve this nation's problems.
There are those in this school of thought who advocate
withdrawal of the "veto" power. This would certainly be
a gross long-range mistake. Until an escape valve be set up
in UN machinery, allowing withdrawal and ejectment
from that organization, the veto privilege continues to provide national insurance against loss of sovereignty.
It is inconceivable that Russia, as one of the great
powers, would consent to removal of the veto power. In
no way can it be removed other than through amendment,
with Great Power unanimity.
Still others contend that the UN can be made workable
to secure world peace through thoroughgoing amendments. Russia, however, will not consent to any amendatory procedure which does not, in her opinion, bolster
communistic objectives.
Russia has vetoed almost everything proposed by the
free world through the agency of the General Assembly
ancl the Security Council of the UN. We may anticipate
her favoring amendment, provided she perceives opportunity to seize world control through an emphasis which
selection of delegates on the basis of population might
yield. Senator Knowland said in May, 1955: "Our survival
and that of the entire free world may depend on how alert
we remain to the fundamental strategy of world communism."
We face, then, the strange and preposterous dilemma in
foreign relations that we have already been committed
tlrrough the charter to a treat) from which we may not
Page 48
with impunity withdraw, out of which we may not ejed
a recalcitrant Great Power member state, and one whid
we cannot alter without that member's consent, evef
though fifty-eight other member states should join us H
seeking the change and even adopt a resolution to tM
elfeet in the UN General Assembly.
5. The World Federalists
This fifth school of thought militantly advocates tn
expediency of creating a huge world federal state, citlw
within or without UN framework.
The UN Charter was carefully drafted to avoid surreH
der of sovereignty by any nation. But every Russian wouJ
like to see a world communist government.
Ours is a philosophy of individual efficiency, calling i*
personal responsibility and achievement, fashioned upo'
personal worth rather than managed economy, which Is''
tei truly ignores the forgotten man. Corollary to this ide*
of profitable service for the advantage of all is the right
self-determination of others — the sine qua non of ad
lasting peace. The failure of our generation to caputf
and implement these ideals has catapulted the world in*
two enormous conflicts, has brought on the conflagrati*
along the perimeter of Eurasia, and has obscured our fai"
in ourselves, our institutions, our government, and 0*
destiny.
Under a plan accredited to the "one-world" intern*
tionalists, it is claimed that the adoption of only a ft*
"apparently innocuous changes in the IN Charter" $
sought. From there on, the UN will form the one-won
government.
On August 5, 1954, Senator Bricker said: "In hearini
before the Wiley subcommittee on UN Charter revisM
many world-government enthusiasts have made it cle»
that they seek to transform the United Nations from *
organization of sovereign states into a superstate, eitn*
by treaty or by executive agreement or, if that is tfi
feasible, by informal charter amendment."
[For a more detailed discussion of one-world governma4
already proposed, please see the Appendix on p. 51.]
6. The Regionalists
A sixth school of thought, while not satisfied with nj
present UN organization, would move forward throuj
regional arrangements, permissible under Article 52 of •£
Charter. They would employ the UN as a diploma™
instrumentality until something better might be achie^L
It would appear that Russia, while employing the "
as a sounding board for Soviet propaganda and
entrance for communism, is at the same time attriiip1
frustration of the West through diplomacy, and creating
protective belt of satellite states outside her vulncnnj'
frontiers. This sixth school of thought would offset So^
effort by regional arrangements. The application of "j
"common-sense policy," if confined to the objective
security, seems to be the best vehicle presently avail""
within the UN framework.
But even regional arrangements have drawbacks; tfj
involve some calculated risks, for example, it is obV1^
that they carry the possibility of conscripting our y°\
for military service on foreign soil. 'Ihe Status of F0(\a
Treats among the fourteen' countries in the North Atlf"
°ED's. NOTE: Now fifteen, sine- tlie addition ol West Ceil"'1'
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