nationalized industries are absolute monopolies and, as
such, impose their own terms of service on the community.
The personal relationship between the trade union officials and the trade unionist is virtually nonexistent. The
big unions have card-indexed nearly all the flesh and blood
out of the movement. Nothing counts and little matters
except numbers, politics, fees, and fines. Its gross, impersonal accountancy has created an impassable barrier between the rank and file and officialdom. Too much power
is concentrated in too few hands, eind the little man is
nowhere in the fantastic scheme of things.
A healthy trade unionism, based on the sound principles
which brought it into existence, would shun politics. Its
present demoralization is overwhelmingly due to the fact
that it has shifted its center of gravity from the industrial
to the political arena, eind encouraged its membership to
accept the State as the last word in social and economic
A policy that encourages men to go slow and to separate every single function of a job into watertight compartments cannot fail to encourage abuse, sloth, and irresponsibility. The bricklayer who imagines he has achieved
a special brand of emancipation merely in consequence
of the fact that he lays three or four hundred bricks a day
against his prototype's one thousand or more, twenty-five
years ago, is living in cloud-cuckoo land. All he has succeeded in doing is to contribute to the costliness and
scarcity of houses and, incidentally, to aggravate a social
problem that injures his class in the community. The
working classes have punished themselves with severity.
1 he political machine will sooner or later scrap the trade
union machine as redundant unless, meantime, trade
unionism of its own volition denounces and rejects the
political method, ancl reverts to its legitimate function of
providing a forum where master and man can settle their
mutual problems in cooperation and in equity.
No thinking man or woman in Great Britain can doubt
for a split second that contemporary trade unionism is
riddled with communism from top to bottom. Trade
unionism at all levels has greatly betrayed itself. When,
as often happens, a mere handful of Communists can
bring out on strike a thousand or more men, it is surely
germane to suggest that these thousand or more men
bene some responsibility in the matter. It is unthinkable
that all of them are sheep. There i.s neither mystery nor
ambiguity in Communist infiltration throughout the ranks
of trade unionism. The Communists themselves have
revealed all there is to be known about their strategx and
tactics, in a pamphlet called Strike, Strategy and Tactics:
A Thesis Adopted hij the Strasbourg International of
Labor Unions, which is today a manual for Communist
I \x ill stimulate the reader's appetite with a few selected
sentences: "If a strike should break out unexpectedly, the
Communists will press for a meeting of the workers involved, at which the election of a committee should be
proposed and a list of candidates, prepared beforehand,
should be brought forward." Communists are warned that
they may find themselves a minority in the initial stage
and they must, there-fore, "display the utmost circumspection, tact, ancl understanding in order to win the majority
for the revolutionary tactics." And here is a choice fragment: "Non-Communists should be entrusted with all
kinds of. functions in order to draitf them into direct collaboration and participation in the struggle." Non-Com-
munist workers who make a good impression are "to be
earmarked as potential recruits to the Communist army.
and, later, must receive individual attention with a view
to complete conversion. Finally, the thesis gives precise
instructions regarding the composition of its infiltration
squads. It directs that "as soon as a conflict is maturing
in some branch of industry, the best forces must be sent
to the field of struggle." There are many pages of this
kind. They have terrifying implications, which should be
exposed and explained to every trade unionist in the
J. he Socialist politicians in their constant exhortations to
"the organized workers" seldeim fail to drag in tbe profit
motive with the implication that those who believe in i'
are "lower than vermin." The tragedy is that the pron'
motix-e is in danger of becoming the profit mirage. The
dual demand that there must not be any ceiling to wages
anel not even a door for profits is as idiotic as asking •
deep-sea diver to climb a mountain without coming W
the surface. Why cannot we all be honest and admit th*'
the man or woman who does not work for profit is eithef
a fool, a saint, or a full-time housewife?
The wage that is a cost to the employer is a profit to
the employee. I admit that this is a simplification of ■'
complex aspect of economics, but it is substantially true-
The point I stress is that trade unionists are as susceptih"
to the incentives of the profit motive as are any other sections of the community.
America, today, is champagne to the palate of an i'u'''
vidualist who realizes that life is a challenge, and wh°
relishes tbe challenges of living. It is necessary to li''"1
England and see America in order to realize the full e-xte"
of Britain's decline under socialism. I am not stressing tn
obvious disparity in material things, although the elif"'
ence in the two standards of living is so marked that it *j
difficult to believe that Great Britain once proudly clai'W
to have achieved the highest in the world. The stun"1""
contrast in the two economies is in deeper soil than lo"x
anel fishes, pots and pans, motor cars ancl cigars. 1
make only a feeble attempt to capture it by suggesting
it is an attitude of mind, a vital spark, a faith that belief,
all things are possible, and a profound belief that ^
helps those who help themselves.
How Our People Are Affected
A society which places the emphasis on what it e%P*J
to receive, rather than on what it is prepared to give, *|
eventually discover that it has lost the very roots ot I
stability. Any man who thinks the State owes him a B* I
is telling the world that he cannot stand upright with"
the eiiil of borrowed crutches. ,(
One of the major fallacies of the age in which WP j,
is that social reform is socialism and that socialist
social reform. Social reform is conscience pricked into c
trite and creative activity. Socialism is st'll-eonseio"''" |
puffed up with arrogance and iconoclasm. Tbe '" iv
social reform is whether it puts wrongs right righte'"ll>A
whether it removes injustice justly, ancl whether t* I
punges inequalities equably. If it offers temporary s:l .,,-
tion for some, at the heavy price of damnation I'"' ■
many, it is not social reform. A second look will Il'\ ,|
that it is socialism. A third inspection will disclose
it is communism. m
The hardest-worked word in the vocabulary ot
ain is th
for all ,
l!1 'he F,
Facts Forum News,