°ost in human servitude has been tragically high. They are
Ike those of us who admire the pyramids, the palaces, the
temples, and the coliseums which despotic rulers once
Produced out eif slave labor. We are only dimly conscious
°f the cost in terms of human misery.
So it is with the peoples of less-developed lands xvho are
Wormed in extravagant terms of the industrial monuments
w'liich have been built by the Soviet masters of 220 million
And when Soviet propaganda says to less-developed
Peoples, "See what we have done for ourselves; with our
e'P, you can do the same," there is a strong temptation
■ accept that so-called help.
The political leaders of these countries, however wise
lll'v may be- and however patriotic thev may be, will find
" difficult to resist the public pressures which Soviet
Propaganda arouses, unless there is some alternative'.
The industrial nations e>f the West, with matured and
'Sorous economies and much well-being, can and must
Provide such an alternative.
Estern efforts to advance the economic well-being of
ne less-developed countries are nothing new. We need
°t be panicked by the new Soviet economic policy.
With or without the so-called competition of the Soviet
."'on. we propose to go forward with sound policies to
"the economic progress of less-developed countries.
Normally, under our system, private capital could and
„ °tild do the job. And, indeed, much private capital today
7J*s into many less-developed countries. Hut it flows only
here the political anel economic risks are deemed toler-
'e- In much of the world, these risks are such that private
aPital is not ready to take them. If capital is to be found,
.^bstantial part must be provided on a public basis
t "H spreads the- risk so that it
r'"s of any single- individual.
''is is one of the purposes of our mutual security
Ogram which now, in one form or another, is in its eighth
v'"'■ 1 he economic part of that program amounts this
^ (ending June- 3(1) to about $1,700,000,000. Much of
* is used to help our allies, particularly in the Far East
0r in Asia, to support adequate military establishments
a$ "H-ir own. Of the- total, approximately $600 million will
la 'f' ^ 'oan '"' "rant, in capita] development in other
a pi i
not appreciable in
year we are asking Congress to appropriate- for
,v . year's economic program $100 million more than is
^''able for this year. The capacity to spend wisely
^Pends on many factors, and we should not appropriate,
•j-, a Panic, merely because of Soviet economic activities.
Uri ?r<" 's, however, need for somewhat greater flexibility,
j? '°r greater continuity, as regards support for long-
tiifi°me °f tne development projects which are most sig-
'or°'i'nt Wl" '''k'' severa' years to complete-. It is difficult
])tr "' countries concerned to arrange for financing these
lot ■ S ""less United States support can be- relied upon
Ei '°r one year at a time, but for several years. Also,
I,,, ' ' nited States support, it is easier for them to procure
<!.s from other sources, such as the World Bank.
tne e believe, therefore, that the United States goveni-
*s |.should have authority to commit sonic such amount
jir(j. ,K) million ei year for several years for long-range
^o s wnich Ul" develop to an important degree the
tl,'")ni'e strength of less-developed countries. Without
"mite-el, long-range authority we take a risk which is
U's Forum News, June, 1956
quite unjustified, having regard to the relatively small cost
of avoiding it.
If our nation and the other free nations play their proper
part, we can face the future not with complacency — that
would be disastrous — but with confidence.
I do not wish to minimize the threat of the Soviet "new
look," of which the economic campaign is a part. Economic
assistance knows no territorial limits. And we must count
on the Soviets and their local Communist parties to press
their policies with vigor.
But we should reflect that Communist successes in the
world so far have come when Red armies were at hand.
No people has willingly accepted the Soviet type of Communist dictatorship.
Communist open aggression has now been checked by
the cohesion, resolution, vigilance, and strength of the free
nations. Let us never forget that this is what deflected the
Soviet rulers from primary reliance upon violence to which
they were dedicated by creed and which they are skilled
They came up against the granite of a declared and
strong resolve. If that granite should turn to putty, then
violence and threat of war could again become the order
of the day.
Meanwhile, we helve new problems. These will require
new efforts, without relaxation of the old cohesion, resolution, vigilance, and strength. But the new efforts will be of
a kind that is in accord with our tradition. This nation
was conceived with a sense of mission and dedicated to
the extension of freedom throughout the world. President
Lincoln said of our Declaration of Independence that
there was "something in that Declaration giving liberty,
not alone to the people of this country, but hope for the
world for all future time. It was that which gave promise
that in due time the weights should be lifted from the
shoulders of all men and that all men should have an
That has been the spirit which has animated our people-
since they came together as a nation. We have, it is true.
acquired much for ourselves. But also we have had in large-
measure the greatest of all satisfactions — that is the satisfaction which comes from creating and from sharing.
We have created at home and we have also created
abroad. We have shared here at home anel we have shared
abroad. Today the greatest opportunity for creation and
for sharing lies in those areas which, possessed of great
economic and human potentials, have not yet realized the
opportunities which are theirs.
We have- unprecedented resources with which tei create
and with which to share. Our 160 million people, working
in freedom and with ample leisure, produce over three
times as much as do the 220 million of the Soviet Union
working in servitude. Our industrial techniques arc- beyond compare. Our desire to create and to share with
others i.s not a political plot; it is an expression of the
spirit which has long animated our nation. It is not a product of government; it is a product of the faith of our
Let me conclude with words which Benjamin Franklin
wrote from Paris on May 1, 1777:
"It is a common observation here that our cause is the
cause of all mankind, and that we are fighting for their
liberty in defending our own. It is a glorious task assigned
us by Providence; which has, I trust, given us spirit and
virtue ecpial to it, and will at hist crown it with success.