tried to copy in detail everything the Bolsheviks advocated,
in order to apply it to the United States. His sensitive nose
was always pointed in Moscow's direction [1 Confess (I3ut-
ton), p. 191].
As the managing editor of the Daily Worker, Louis F.
Budenz was in a position which demanded daily and
hourly decisions on Party policy. He described the manner
in which the Party's official mouthpiece was overseered by
Bittelman, to whom he referred as "the chief of the small
corps of politburo members who were in touch with the
Comintern representatives and the Soviet consulates."
The special role played by Bittelman, according to
Budenz, was as "the agent entrusted by Moscow with
instructing the Party leaders in the precise terms to be
employed in the use of Aesopian language," namely language which, for purposes of legal evasion, could be interpreted in one way for public consumption and in quite
another way within the Party ranks. "Many times," declared Budenz, "I heard him lecturing the Politburo on
exactly what words and phrases the Party declarations
should contain in order to be Leninist and at the same
The actual procedure followed in editing the Communist Daily Worker finds few parallels in the history of
American journalism. It should be particularly shocking to
those who hold that the Communist Party represents a
segment of American political opinion rather than a supine
echo of Moscow. Mr. Budenz described his editorial experiences with Bittelman in 1936:
Bittelman was then operating from the Hotel Albert,
where the entire editorial board conferred with him almost
every day. So carefully were his whereabouts and movements
guarded, and so carefully did he seek to conceal our conferences, that each meeting with him had to be arranged over
an outside telephone * ° ° Every day at noon, Harry Gannes,
then foreign editor of the Daily Wtrrker, a veteran member
of the board, would rise from his desk and leave the building. In a few minutes he would return, to state generally that
he had reached "Comrade Barnes" and that he would see us
at such and such a time.
At the hour set, each member of the Daily Worker editorial hoard would stroll over to the Hotel Albert. Singly
rath would enter the lobby and then go up to Bittelman's
room tor a hurried hour on the paper's editorial policy. Bittel-
in.ui-Barnes was the law and the line; particularly did he take
pains to stress tin exact manner in which a fundamental position should be presented [Men Without Faces by Louis F.
Budenz (Harper), pp. 79, 80].
It would seem that Alexander Bittelman, who has
frankly declared that he would not fight against the Soviet
Union "in any war" because "any war against the Soviet
Union would be an unjust war," has been singled out by
the powers that be as the chief carrier and guardian of the
sacred fire of Russian Bolshevism within the American
party. He has also served as the Party's official historian for
the past two decades delineating in full the decisive role of
the Soviet-dominated Communist International in every
phase of the activity of the American party from its very
On the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Communist Party of the United States in 1934, Bittelman wrote his
pamphlet, Fifteen Years of the Conununist Party, where
he outlines the origin of the American party as follows:
Nineteen hundred and nineteen was the year when our
Partv was formed ° ° ° Nineteen hundred and nineteen was
tlie year when the Conununist International was formed, preceding the formation of our Party hy about five months. Our
Party became part of it * ° ° But it was only through the
costly experiences of the first World War, and especially the
vietory of the proletarian revolution in Russia under the
leadership of the Bolshev iks, that the proletarian vanguard of
According to Alexander Bittelman, right,
member of CPUSA
since its inception
and from lime to time
editor of The Communist, now known as
Communist International policy, still in
force, calls for establishment of an independent Negro republic in "the Black
Belt in the South,"
a step which would
involve armed insurrection against the
United States in
Negro lives would be
sacrificed to the
wmr vvom.D photo
the United States came to realize that the Bolshevik way is
the onlv way lor the liberation of the American proletariat
and all the exploited and oppressed. Thus it came to pass
that our Party came into existence. ° ° °
Throughout his works, Bittelman stresses the role j
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union as a model .W
guide for the CPUSA. In his Communist Party in ActU\
lor example, he points out to members of his Party:
It is, of course, impossible to say which particular experience in the (lass Struggle vvas decisive tor your joining the
<'on nist Party. Bather it must have been the su I many
experiences on various points of the class-struggle front,
among which the fight against imperialist war and for the
defense ot the Soviet Union had undoubtedly played a very
meat part in bringing vou into the ranks of the Party. This M
the ease with many workers who join the Conununist Party
because it is the onlv- Party that is following in the footstep*
of Lenin and the Bolsheviks, that is, organizing the American
proletariat to follow the example of the working el.es el
Russia led by the Communist I Bolshevik) Partv- (p. 4).
Again in the same pamphlet he frankly admits:
These Socialist successes of the Soviet Union, achieved
under the leadership ot the C munis! (Bolshevik) Party-
have undoubtedly had a great influence in bringing you in!"
the ranks of the American jvarty. Now you must try to gain
a clearer and more thorough understanding ol the international role of Bolshevism and of the Bolshevik Party (p. 14)'
In his later work entitled Milestones in the HiStOtK
lite Communist Party, published in 1937 on the occafl
of the American party's 18th anniversary, Bittelman bl""
The Communist International, and its model party —n**
C miist Party of the Soviet Union — headed by C rad*
Stalin, gave ns the guidance that helped the American t'111"'.
niunists to find the Way to tin masses and to the position (1
vanguard (p. 8). .,
In answer to (hose who charge that the policies of j
American partv ire dictated by Moscow, BittelmaoJ
only admits the intervention of Stalin's puppet orgaOJ
tion. the Communist International, in the allairs ol "j?
CPUSA, but actually glories therein. "The Comintern I
inlia lore,' " boasts Bittelman in the same pamphlet, ''.']'
can be no doubt of that. Anil it is fortunate that it o^
He points out moreover that "the Comintern spoke '
F ii h I "i.i vi \i w s, June,
of the S
« tin's I,
bei n il
L A ma