1 ' ■"
machine with its wide ramifications is extremely solicitous
of its faithful followers. Communist-front organizations
and unions offer a source of jobs which are restricted to
those who pay unquestioning homage to the Party line.
There are members of the Communist Party who suffer
from intense inner qualms about the correctness of the
Party line and about its practices behind the Iron Curtain
such as the maintenance of slave labor camps, Soviet
imperialism, anti-Semitism, the regimentation of intellectuals and the suppression of civil rights. But in many cases
they do not have the spiritual and moral courage required
to make a break, which may sound fantastic to those who
have no realization of the pressures to which a member is
subject. Having become completely dependent upon his
Communist surroundings and associates for his mental,
spiritual and social sustenance, having isolated himself
from non-Communist influences, friends and reading, he
looks upon the very thought of a break as a personal
tragedy. He dreads being cast out of the holy of holies.
the temple of Soviet worship. He fears the vilification and
slander which will be directed against him as a "renegade" by the Communist smear apparatus. Bemembering
the mysterious case of Gen. Walter Krivitsky, former
Soviet intelligence officer found dead in a Washington
hotel, and Juliet Stuart Poyntz, who disappeared from the
streets of New York City without a trace, he stands in
mortal terror of physical assault or possible liquidation.
If he is employed through a Communist union or front
organization, it may mean the loss of his job. Cases have
been known where the Party has threatened with exposure
those who had become disaffected. It is much easier for
the weak character to swallow his pride and his principles
and just go along.
The nature of Communist organization fluctuates in
strict accordance with the current political climate in
which the party finds itself. During the period when
Russia was our ally, when the Red Army was being glorified and the Communist Party was frantically supporting
our war effort in order to save the "Soviet Fatherland"
from Hitler's legions, Communist clubs met openly, sometimes numbering hundreds of participants in cities like
New York. Today when Bussia has made the United States
the chief target of its "cold war" and subversive activities,
when the Communist Party is under fire and its leaders
subjected to jail sentences, these clubs have been subdivided into groups of from three to five, meeting secretly,
usually in homes. They are of two types, the shop club
and the community club.
The Shop Club, Red Spearhead
The shop club is peculiar to the Communist Party and
specially suited to its subversive and conspiratorial purposes. No other political party in this country has adopted
this form of organization. It is a direct importation from
the experience of the Russian Communist Party.
Lenin, the Party's chief authority on matters of organization, long ago pointed out for Communists throughout
the world that "Every factory is our stronghold." Prior to
1926, the American party was built on the basis of
national language federations. Speaking before the sessions of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International held in Moscow in April, 1925,
Gregory Zinoviev, chairman of that body, specifically
instructed the Workers (Communist) Party, as it was
then called, "to fuse the national sections into a real
united party." A directive letter was sent to the American
party by the Communist International in which the Party
was given until December 1, 1925, to reorganize its two
most important districts, New York and Chicago. It was
pointed out that "The factory nucleus is the best organizational method of uniting comrades belonging to different nationalities" and that "the work of properly organizing the party will be best accomplished by the organization of factory nuclei." For the guidance of American
Communists, Moscow dispatched a special instructor
named Marcus, who wrote a pamphlet, The Communist
Nucleus, What It Is — How It Works, under the pseudonym of M. Jenks. From time to time, the party's internal
and confidential organ carried additional detailed instruction from specialists of the Russian Communist Parry. To
supplement this, J. Peters (deported to Communist Hungary in 1949) was sent to Moscow in the early thirties
where he received extensive training as a result of whicJi
he wrote the authoritative The Communist Party—'
Manual on Organization. Today the shop nucleus is mors
euphoniously called the shop club.
The Communist International has given clear directives
to the American Communist Party to concentrate upo"
large industrial plants, It has even indicated what specific
industries should be made the target. For example, tltf
Party Organizer of February, 19.33, declared:
The Communist International in January, 1931, raised feir
our Party the need of concentrating on the most decisive
industries (mine, steel, textile, auto, marine) in the five largest districts * * * (p. 5).
The same issue of the Party Organizer even pinpoint,
the cities selected, including Pittsburgh, Cleveland, V?
troit, and Chicago, so that the party might "firmly ro<'
itself in the decisive industries." Since that time, thflfl
objectives have been broadened considerably to inelii''1
more key industrial cities.
In Political Affairs for May, 1950, Henry Winston pr^
sents his report to the plenary meeting of the nation'"
committee of the Communist Party, USA, in which ''
points up the necessity for a maximum registration "
Party members in the following basic- industries: an'-
electrical, steel, coal, rubber, and railroad.
What is the purpose of this concentration upon
industries? Again we must turn to the Communist I"''
national for a clear and forthright reply. Its rosnlu"'1,
on imperialist war adopted at its sixth congress in *"*
summer of 1928 i.s still the basic- line today. Presented
the "main task in the struggle against imperialist *1
before it breaks out" is the following:
factory anel trade- union activity must be concentrated VTK
in.irily in the industries which serve the mobilization for an"
conduct of war, like the metal industry, the chemical induS"
try, anel transport • ° °. Side by side- with other revolutions
mass actions (demonstrations, strikes in munitions wodj
transport strikes, etc.) the general strike- * * * is an cxli-e-nico'
important weapon ° ° °.
The thirteenth plenum of the executive committee of' ■>
Communist International in December, 1933. sunm"'1 I
up most succinctly when it called upon affiliated Coin1"-
nist parties to "concentrate their forces in each counts
the vital parts of the war machine of imperialism.
Communist jargon, all countries which are anti-ComlW!
nist are labeled as "imperialist."
Despite the fact that workers as a group find com'j
nism repulsive, it must be remembered that the (<
Facts Foiium News, May,J