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upon, steam and machinery revolutionized industrial production. The place of
manufacture was taken by the giant.
Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle class by industrial millionaires—the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeoisie.
Modern Industry has established the
world market, for which the discovery
of America paved the way. This market
iias given an immense development to
commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This development has.
in its turn, reacted on the extension of
industry: and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways
extended, in the same proportion the
bourgeoisie developed, increased ils
capital, and pushed into the background
every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
We sec. therefore, how the modern
bourgeoisie is itself the product of a
long course of development, of a series
of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
• » # » *
The bourgeoisie, by tbe rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means
of communication, draws all—even the
most barbarian—nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with
which it bailers down all Chinese walls,
with which it forces the barbarians intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners
to capitulate. It compels all nation-, on
pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels
them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e.. to become
bourgeois themselves. In a word, it
creates a world after its own image.
» a * * *
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of
scarce one hundred years, has created
more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding
generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man. machinery: application of chemistry lo industry and
agriculture, steam navigation, railway-,
electric telegraphs; clearing of whole
continents for cultivation; canalization
of rivers; whole populations conjured
out of the ground—what earlier century
had even a presentiment that such productive forces slumbered in the lap of
» » * * *
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e.,
capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern
winking class, developed—a class of
laborers who live only so long as they
find work, and who find work only see
long as their labor increases capital.
These laborers who must sell themselves
piecemeal are a commodity, like ever)
ather article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes
of competition, to all the fluctuations of
* • a * *
The lower strata of the mi,I,lie class
—the small tradespeople, shopkeepers,
and retired tradesmen generally, the
handicraftsmen and peasants—all these
sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their diminutive capital does
not suffice for the scale on which Modern Industry i- carried on and is swamped in the compel il inn with the large
capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new
methods of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the
* * * * »
This organization of the proletarians
into a class, and consequently into a
political party, is continually being
upset again l.\ the competition between
ihe workers themselves. But it ever rises
up again, stronger, firmer, mightier. Il
compels legislative recognition of parti-
rular interests eef lhe workers by taking
advantage »>i the divisions ;ir11 <>n-_* the
* » * *
Finally, in times when the class struggle nrars the derisive bour, lhe process
eef dissolution going on within the ruling class—in fact, within the whole
range of old society—assumes such a
violent, glaring character that a small
section of the ruling class nils itself
adrift and joins the revolutionary class,
the class thai holds thc future in il-
hands. Just as. therefore, at an earlier
period, a section of the nobilit) wenl
over lo the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over lo (he
proletariat and. in particular, a portion
of the bourgeois ideologists who have
raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical
movements as a whole.
(If all lhe classes thai -land face lo
face with the bourgeoisie today, the
proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and
finally disappear in the fare of Modern
Industry: the proletariat is it- special
and essential product.
a » # a n
The development of Modern Industry,
therefor,', cuts from under ils feel the
very foundation on which the bour-
.'eeii-ie' produces and appropriales products. What the bourgeoisie therefore
produces, above all. are its own grave-
diggers. Its fall and the victory of the
proletarial are equally iui-\ itable.
Proletarians and Communists
In what relation do the Communists
stand to the proletarians as a who'
The Communists do not form a *
arate party opposed to other work*
They have no interest separate '
apart from those of the proletarial I
They do not set up any sectarian |"
ciples of their own by which to sh*
and mould the proletarian moverBj
The Communists are distinguil
from the other working-class parti?1
this only: 1. In lhe national struff
of lhe proletarians of the different m
tries, they point out and bring I";
front the common interests of the (l
proletarial independently of all n""
alily. 2. In the various stage- of dew
incut which the struggle of the woll
class against the bourgeoisie ha*,
pass through, they always ami 4
where represent the interesl o«
movemenl as a whole.
The Communists, then-line. ""'
llie one hand — practically the 1
advanced anil resolute section <m
working-class parties <>! every coiij1
that section which pushes forwafj
others. On lhe other hand theoretj
—they have over the greal mass "'
proletarial [he advantage of l'lf'
understanding the line- eef marcbJ
'■"ii'liiieens anil ihe ultimate genera]
-'ill- nl lhe proletarian movement]
The immediale aim of th.
nists is llii- same a- thai of all the j*
proletarian parties — formation °, ,
proletarial into a class, overthrow ° \
bourgeois supremacy, conquest "'
liiieal power b) the proletariat.
'';■ to th
■' mere i
"'I the ,
i on are horrified at our i
do away with private property,
your existing society, private \'r0<:
is already done away with fr>r
tenths of the population; ils ex'*'
for the few is solely due lo if]
existence in the hands of those
tenths. You reproach us. llien-l"11
intending lo do away with a f°r
property, the necessar) conditio!
whose existence i- the nonexisteij
any properly for the immense i|,:"'
In one word, you reproach "~
intending to do away with your r
'"'o a la,
lhal i- |ii-l
property, into capital, from tn-J
ty. Precisely so
From lhe momenl when lab,1''''.
longer be converled into capital- ',)
or rent—into a social powei capfj
being monopolized i.e., from '
meiil when imli\ nlii.il property f'
longer be transformed into I" ,'
i mi must, therefore, confess '
"indil iiliial" \ mi mean no nil"'1' 1
than the bourgeois, than the
class owner of property. This
must, indeed, be swepl oul of '
and made impossible.
Communism deprives no m;1"
FACTS FORUM NEWS, Febr""r1'
ment. vnn say,
o case c
i- '" "I,,
, ■ state I
■ ::; ,