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Houstonian 1987
The Classrooms
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Houstonian 1987 - The Classrooms. 1987. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. April 21, 2015. http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/yearb/item/25027/show/24794.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

(1987). Houstonian 1987 - The Classrooms. Houstonian Yearbook Collection. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/yearb/item/25027/show/24794

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Houstonian 1987 - The Classrooms, 1987, Houstonian Yearbook Collection, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed April 21, 2015, http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/yearb/item/25027/show/24794.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Compound Item Description
Title Houstonian 1987
Creator (Local)
  • Students of the University of Houston
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • Houston, Texas
Date 1987
Description This edition of the Houstonian, published in 1987, is the official yearbook of the University of Houston.
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • College yearbooks
  • University of Houston
Language English
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
  • Still Image
Original Item Location Houstonian
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b1158762~S11
Digital Collection Houstonian Yearbook Collection
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/yearb
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://info.lib.uh.edu/about/campus-libraries-collections/special-collections
Use and Reproduction This image is in the public domain and may be used freely. If publishing in print, electronically, or on a website, please cite the item using the citation button.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title The Classrooms
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name yearb_1987_166.jpg
Transcript ant than men. This stems from the fact that women are more religious than men, and those who are religious tend to be more intolerant than the average person. Gibson says it may also be due to a lack of consciousness among women that they are a victimized minority. Houstonians, on average, tend to be as tolerant or intolerant as the general United States population, which is why Gibson feels it is important to point out that the gay rights referendum was not typical of Houstonians' views toward homosexuality. "Even those who voted against the ordinance are not vehemently against gays," Gibson says. "But, the negative threat posed to people by homosexuality was a lot stronger than the threat of employment discrimination against people. They didn't want an anti-discrimination ordinance, but they didn't want to put gays in jail either." In another study of political intolerance, Gibson has tested the elitist theory of democracy as it pertained to incidents in Skokie, Illinois, where Nazis were permitted to demonstrate openly. The elitist theory of democracy asserts that democracy is protected when citizens remain relatively uninvolved in politics. Because citizens are relatively intolerant of unpopular political minorities, and political leaders are dramatically more tolerant, the democratic rights of political minorities are best secured under the condition of mass apathy. In their book Civil Liberties and Nazis: The Skokie Free- Speech Controversy, Gibson and co-author Richard Bingham hypothesize that "lo- There were strong reactions to this Ku Klux Klan march on lower Westheimer in 1984. While most of the anti-Klan groups are against the Klan's views on homosexuality, they generally support the Klan's right to protest in the predominately gay community. Photo by Mark Lacy. cal rights conflicts are most likely to reach a democratic conclusion when they become salient enough to attract national attention." The Skokie incident involved Frank Collin, head of the National Socialist Party of America, who, in early 1977, wrote to a number of Chicago suburbs, including Skokie, requesting permission to protest a Chicago policy requiring demonstrators to post a $250,000 insurance bond before the Park District would issue a permit to demonstrate. Skokie officials responded by adopting three ordinances intended to prevent the Nazis from demonstrating, including a policy requiring demonstrators to post a $350,000 insurance bond. After the Nazis were denied a request to demonstrate, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed suite in federal court to invalidate all three ordinances. In February 1987, the Federal Court for the Northern District of Illinois declared Skokie's three ordinances unconstitu- tionals. Skokie then lost its appeal to the Circuit Court of Appeals, and the U.S. Supreme Court denied the case review. Although the decision did not rule in favor of the majority, it was democratic because it protected the rights of the minority to protest and compete for political power through democratic means. In a study financed by the ACLU and the National Science Foundation, Gibson surveyed 20,000 leaders and members of the ACLU and concluded that the elitist theory of democracy was upheld. Gibson contends "that it is precisely elite support for democratic norms, even in the absense of elite consensus, that generated the democratic outcome in Skokie, not the structure of the judiciary, nor the lack of antidemocratic activity by the masses." Gibson has now turned his attention to researching whether public opinion shaped the policies of the states toward political minorities during the McCarthy and Vietnam eras. Funded by a grant from the National Science Foundation, Gibson is conducting a 50-state survey to test hypotheses about the policy consequences of political intolerance. During the 1950s and the 1970s, American states — with Texas at the forefront — passec a wide variety of legislation restricting the political rights of unpopular minorities, especiall) Communists. Gibsons's research, which he expects to finish this year, is designed to determine whether these period; of American history confirn the elitist theory of democracy and assess the degree to which these repressive public policies resulted from the demands of an aroused and intolerant majority. In the long term, Gibson be lieves the political tolerance o: Americans can be increased. A education levels continue tc rise, as women enter main stream politics, and as the ur banization of society pro gresses, Gibson predicts that respect for, and perhaps ever appreciation of, political difference will also increase. "Ultimately, abuses of democracy can be only minimizec in a system in which both elite; and masses share the values of majority rule, with guarantiee opportunities for the minority to become a majority." — Patricia Healy* 166