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One year of revolution
Image 31
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Socialist Publication Society (N.Y.). One year of revolution - Image 31. 1918. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 24, 2017. http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/414/show/408.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Socialist Publication Society (N.Y.). (1918). One year of revolution - Image 31. Socialist and Communist Pamphlets. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/414/show/408

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Socialist Publication Society (N.Y.), One year of revolution - Image 31, 1918, Socialist and Communist Pamphlets, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 24, 2017, http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp/item/414/show/408.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title One year of revolution
Alternative Title One year of revolution: celebrating the first anniversary of the founding of the Russian Soviet Republic, November 7, 1918
Creator (LCNAF)
  • Socialist Publication Society (N.Y.)
Publisher Socialist Publication Society
Place of Creation (TGN)
  • Brooklyn, New York
Date 1918
Subject.Name (LCNAF)
  • Lenin, Vladimir Ilʹich, 1870-1924
  • Trotsky, Leon, 1879-1940
Subject.Geographic (TGN)
  • Soviet Union
Genre (AAT)
  • pamphlets
Language English; Russian; German
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
Original Item Extent 32 pages: illustrations; 28 cm.
Original Item Location DK265.S62 1918
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b8304499~S11
Original Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection Socialist and Communist Pamphlets
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/scpamp
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://libraries.uh.edu/branches/special-collections
Use and Reproduction This item is in the public domain and may be used freely.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Image 31
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
File Name uhlib_6770052_030.jpg
Transcript The Russian Revolution • More than one hundred years ago, Napoleon visualized Russia as a power that might make all Europe Cossack. For years thereafter, Czar- ism was "the gendarme of Europe," the most brutal and reactionary force against humanity and liberty. Russia was indisputably a menace. Today, Russia persists in being a menace—a menace to reaction, to Capitalism and Imperialism, a menace to the hosts of tyranny everywhere. The reactionary world of imperialistic Capitalism today visualizes revolutionary Russia as the force that may make Europe, and the world, all Socialist. In the early days of the great war between the two belligerent powers, there was a third power, silent, unseen, but preparing to burst forth in irresistible might,—the power of the Russian Revolution. During the days immediately preceding the declaration of war, when German Imperialism was trying to create a war psychology by exploiting the fears of Czarism, certain German Socialists acutely insisted that there was a power in Russia that should be considered in a real evaluation of the situation, a power mightier than Czarism, and that was the Revolution. But this was not heeded, and was forgotten by the German Social Democracy in the wild orgy of social-patriotic insanity that ensued. Yes, there was this third power of the Revolution, destined to become the decisive factor in the war. And it consisted of the proletarian revolution in the making. That the. coming Russian Revolution was a proletarian revolution, was evident. The Revolution of 1905, betrayed and maligned by the bourgeois liberals; the subsequent counter-revolutionary period in which the bourgeoisie consolidated its power, accepted Imperialism and autocracy, and abandoned all revolutionary convictions, made it clear that the Socialist proletariat alone could make a revolution. This was emphasized by the bourgeois attitude during the war,—enthusiastic acceptance of the war and of its imperialistic objects, the abandonment of even ordinary liberal opposition in favor of victory and a bourgeois Czarism. The Russian bourgeoisie was partially critical, truly, but it was within the limits of Czarism, a criticism based upon the fact of Czarism pro ducing defat instead of victory. When the "great Duma" met in March 1917, it did not concern itself with the needs of the people, the mass agony and starvation: the Duma refused to grant powers to the Petrograd municipality necessary to provide food for the people; the Duma liberals were interested exclusively in the war and victory. Then came the elemental mass action of the workers of Petrograd—mass strikes, demonstrations, food riots, revolutionary action against Czarism, that annihilated the reactionary regime mercilessly and completely, and which was the signal for the revolt of the soldiers. The bourgeoisie did not participate in this revolutionary action; their attitude was comprised in intrigues to depose the Czar in favor of a Grand Duke who would bring victory and recognize bourgeois requirements, in participation in the plots of Anglo-French capital directed against the Czar and a separate peace. It was the proletarian masses that marched to the assault against Czarism, that placed itself at the disposal of the Revolution. The bourgeoisie wanted a "constitutional monarchy": this was admitted by M. Milyukov as late as March 13; and as it was the revolutionary mass action that gave the Duma courage to disobey the Czar's ukase to dissolve, so it was the proclamation of the Petrograd Workmen's Council, on March 14, declaring the old regime gone forever and insisting upon a republic, that imposed the acceptance of a republican program upon the bourgeois Provisional Government formed out of the Duma opposition. But the Provisional Government was bourgeois, the government of the capitalists, and accordingly counter-revolutionary. Its personnel was part and parcel of the imperialistic forces and purposes instinct in the war. It established the usual bourgeois freedoms; and it prepared to wage more aggressively the imperialistic war waged by Czarism, accepting the agreements and obligations of the Czar to other nations. Foreign Minister Milyukov, of the Provisional Government, insisted that revolutionary Russia would fight until it secured Constantinople; and the Provisional Government accepted Milyukov's attitude. But the masses, who made the Revolution in the name of peace, bread and liberty, negatived the proposition; on May 2 and 3, the 29