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Houston Breakthrough 1980-04
Page 19
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Houston Breakthrough 1980-04 - Page 19. April 1980. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 19, 2014. http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/4490/show/4480.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

(April 1980). Houston Breakthrough 1980-04 - Page 19. Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/4490/show/4480

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Houston Breakthrough 1980-04 - Page 19, April 1980, Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 19, 2014, http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/4490/show/4480.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Houston Breakthrough 1980-04
Publisher Breakthrough Publishing Co.
Date April 1980
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Women--Texas--Periodicals
  • Feminism--United States--Periodicals
Subject.Geographic (TGN)
  • Houston, Texas
Genre (AAT)
  • periodicals
Language English
Physical Description 32 page periodical
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
Original Item Location http://library.uh.edu/record=b2332724~S11
Digital Collection Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://info.lib.uh.edu/about/campus-libraries-collections/special-collections
Use and Reproduction Educational use only, no other permissions given. Copyright to this resource is held by the content creator, author, artist or other entity, and is provided here for educational purposes only. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without written permission of the copyright owner. For more information please see the UH Digital Library Fair Use policy on the “About” page of this website.
File name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Page 19
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Women--Texas--Periodicals
  • Feminism--United States--Periodicals
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Use and Reproduction Educational use only, no other permissions given. Copyright to this resource is held by the content creator, author, artist or other entity, and is provided here for educational purposes only. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without written permission of the copyright owner. For more information please see the UH Digital Library Fair Use policy on the “About” page of this website.
File name femin_201109_559q.jpg
Transcript humanitarian, expounding the same concern for human rights as President Carter. Kaunda visited the U.S. around a year ago and got a fairly good reception. I gathered this doesn't always happen with black African leaders. They often feel we treat them as second class citizens and the facts often bear this out. S.B.B.: Could you give me some background on Zambia? A.N.: Zambia had been a non-aligned country, generally taking the human rights stand of the United States. It was formerly Northern Rhodesia, and went through a struggle similar to what is happening in Zimbabwe. President Kaunda led the armed struggle and was imprisoned by the British. After Zambia gained its independence, it lent its support to the liberation movements in Mozambique, South Africa and Zimbabwe. As a consequence, Zambia has become a target of South African troups who come into Zambia at will. South Africa claims Zambia harbors terrorists and that is the excuse they use for coming into Zambia. South Africa also supported Rhodesian forces which bombed Zambia on a regular basis for about a year. Rhodesian helicopters even entered the Zambian capital and Zambia had no defense weapons against the Rhodesian aircraft. Both Britain and the U.S. refused to sell Zambia weapons. In desperation, Zambia turned to Russia. By signing away many of its copper rights for many years to come, Zambia was able to buy 21 MIG jets. I got into a heated argument with an American official. He said Zambia shouldn't have bought the weapons from Russia. I asked him why we didn't sell them the weapons. He said it was simple: President Carter would have, but knew the arms sale wouldn't be approved by Congress because the weapons would have been used for one purpose only— to shoot white folks. South Africa operates on a system based on inhuman practices known world wide. Yet, South Africa has had no trouble arming itself or getting anything it needs. Sanctions have not meant anything because most countries ignore them. It's meaningless if you say we're not going to sell them weapons, when you've already given them the technology to make their own weapons. The U.S. may not be selling certain goods to South Africa, but the other "free-world" countries are. To be fair, you have to acknowledge that a lot of black African countries now trade with South Africa. For many of them, it's a matter of survival. During our visit to Zambia, we met with President Kaunda for three hours. We raised the arms question and he said: If black countries are forced to turn to the Soviet Union, Communist China or Cuba for weapons, it usually means the Africans will go into the supplying countries to learn how to use the weapons. The trainees then become immersed in socialist ideology. Inevitably, they spread it around when they return. For instance, Robert Mugabe, the new prime minister of Zimbabwe, is condemned by the west for his Marxism. South Africa is alarmed that he won a free election. If he has to get weapons from Marxist countries, how can we condemn him for supporting their philosophy? In Zaire, we support President Mobutu, a military dictator known to be a brutal oppressor of his own people. We've cut back our military support, but we still support him. S.B.B.: Why aren't black Americans lobbyists for black Africa? A.N.: It's been hammered into us to get into the American mainstream. We relate to the Queen of England before we do to Chief Shaka. To do that you have to reject where you come from. We're Outside a country school in the Congo. also ashamed of how we came, as involuntary immigrants and we don't want to be reminded that we came as slaves. Others talk about English or German or French blood but we don't want to talk about African blood. We need to accept our African blood. S.B.B.: Do you foresee that changing? What, if any, is the relationship between black America and black Africa? A.N.: Potentially, it could be great. Realistically, I think it won't be realized for a long time, if ever. We've resisted a positive effort because we're still brainwashed about Africans. Sure, we've gone through a period where people talk about finding their roots, going back to Africa, Black is Beautiful and all that. S.B.B.: What prevents a good relationship between the two? A.N.: You can see it locally. I appeared on Charles Porter's Front and Center on KYOK radio. A Nigerian called in and said he was disappointed. He's been here for some time, and has been treated miserably by black Americans. If people don't act like us, we assume they don't like us or assume they think they're better then we are. We don't make any allowances for cultural differences. We're automatically defensive. That has been one roadblock to better relations between black Americans and black Africans. It's a problem which can't be dismissed. One I hope will be resolved through more exposure on both sides: with more black Americans visiting black African countries. And with more black Africans coming to the country, which they are doing in great numbers. S.B.B.: What was your most memorable moment of the trip, and your lowest point? A.N.: One of the most memorable moments was when I met President Kaunda. I was struck by his sincerity, his warmth and the true humanitarian feelings he expressed and by the deep hurt caused by the United States in their treatment of him. He was just a human person. The low point was probably Zimbabwe, although I'm tempted to say it was South Africa. The stopover at the airport said enough about what the rest of the country must be like. It was very depressing. I couldn't go through the airport without thinking of all that was happening there. I couldn't spend time in Zimbabwe or Zambia without constantly relating it to what is happening in South Africa. South Africa is the next battleground. If the whites don't see the handwriting on the wall, and start dismantling the barriers so all people can have their basic human rights, there is going to be a bloodbath, unrivaled by anywhere else. I'm fearful of that. Kenya was our rest and relaxation, but even there you couldn't get away from racism. There are a lot of tourists there. We were constantly running into tours from the United States, Japan and all over Europe. We would hear conversations, and I began to feel that many of the tourists, many of the white folks, were there to see the scenery, to see Mt. Kilamanjaro, to take pictures of the animals, but would just as soon not have the people there. That's sobering. The thing that strikes me is all the racism in this world. It is alive and thriving. I think black Americans tend to be lulled into a sense of complacency, to believe it's not as bad as it used to be. But if we can step back and look, racism is universal. APRIL 1980 19 £