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Houston Breakthrough, November 1980
Page 17
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Houston Breakthrough, November 1980 - Page 17. November 1980. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. July 30, 2015. http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/3680/show/3668.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

(November 1980). Houston Breakthrough, November 1980 - Page 17. Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters. Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/3680/show/3668

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Houston Breakthrough, November 1980 - Page 17, November 1980, Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters, Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries, accessed July 30, 2015, http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist/item/3680/show/3668.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Houston Breakthrough, November 1980
Publisher Breakthrough Publishing Co.
Date November 1980
Subject.Topical (LCSH)
  • Women
  • Periodicals
  • Feminism--United States--Periodicals
  • Newsletters
Subject.Geographic (TGN)
  • Houston, Texas
Genre (AAT)
  • periodicals
Language English
Physical Description 28 page periodical
Type (DCMI)
  • Text
  • Image
Format (IMT)
  • image/jpeg
Original Item Location HQ1101 .B74
Original Item URL http://library.uh.edu/record=b2332724~S11
Digital Collection Houston and Texas Feminist and Lesbian Newsletters
Digital Collection URL http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/feminist
Repository Special Collections, University of Houston Libraries
Repository URL http://info.lib.uh.edu/about/campus-libraries-collections/special-collections
Use and Reproduction Educational use only, no other permissions given. Copyright to this resource is held by the content creator, author, artist or other entity, and is provided here for educational purposes only. It may not be reproduced or distributed in any format without written permission of the copyright owner. For more information please see UH Digital Library Fair Use policy on the UH Digital Library About page.
File Name index.cpd
Item Description
Title Page 17
File Name femin_201109_565o.jpg
Transcript Wonder Woman with a touch of Hue k Finn, Democrat Debra Danburg takes on Republican Hap May state, on limiting destruction of neighborhoods and cheap shots by the police a- gainst public intoxication or non-conforming people. She admits realistically that just having correct positions does not mean new law, but she points out her experience as Waters' aide "makes me the only one of the candidates able to get much done in Austin — we had to do a lot of conferring and working with legislators before, anyway." What can go wrong with the Danburg campaign? The Republican party targeted the district race, for one thing.This means an infusion of money and extra workers for Danburg's opponent, who is inexperienced in state politics but presumably receiving a lot of helpful and free advice. "The Republicans seldom spotlight a race merely to make its loss more poignant," says Rick Graves, Danburg's manager. "If they have targeted District 79, that means they think they have a chance, a good chance. Maybe now, maybe later — it puts pressure on the front runner. If she stumbles ..." Secondly, Danburg points out, the iffy attitude of many of today's voters, along with the changing demographics of her neighborhood, could result in a nasty surprise for the Democrats. Says Graves: "Four thousand people voted in the primary. Twenty thousand more could vote in the November election." Reagan, the favored Harris County candidate, could sweep local Republicans into office. " A lot of people see the Republicans here as a sort of third party, too," says a Danburg supporter, "a kind of big Libertarian party. We have to run against the alienated as well as the affluent." The last and definitely least threat to Danburg is her opponent. Hap May is a small-town (Rockwall) boy, the most successful in his high school less than 10 years ago, whose student body presidency gave him a-taste for politics. He is a freelance accountant with a schedule flexible enough for his door-to-door campaign, and he is a Republican through natural conservatism and the party's lack of leadership. In the Montrose he is moderate, in the Heights a little less so, but his platform remains consistently law-and- order. "Fighting Crime (he uses capitals when he speaks and writes of his favorite topic) is the top legislative priority today," says May. "Wherever I go in the district I hear people talking about crime." May asserts that "as a legislator, about half the time I would spend would be working on anti- crime legislation." May, to fight crime, would be in favor of wire-tapping, electronic surveillance, and other general forms of "stabilizing social organization." Danburg points out that May would seek to control and probably harass elements of the population whose support he has been seeking in the election — gays and minorities. "May promises to vote the consensus," she says, "but there is no consensus on gay rights, abortion, and other important issues. May has said that the ERA was not an issue. I would consider it an issue. District 79 demands more than passing verbiage on crime, the presence of police everywhere, gay and women's rights." May's campaign, low key as it is, based mainly on his visits with people who did not vote in the primary, has been clever and effective. Reportedly he seconds most opinions and has worked out intelligent, hard-nosed anti-crime proposals which he tries out on his listeners. One home-owner in the Heights says, "He was attentive, courteous, and not in a hurry. I don't remember him saying much, though." The Pole Gallop The second prong of his campaign includes a last-minute media push, which is planned to combine with the impression he is making on the uncommitted to take him to Austin. Danburg exasperatedly admits that, despite her carefully worked- out plans, her drafted bills, her long years of work with coalition and Democratic Party political and educational groups, the race comes down to name recognition. But since so many voters will be going to the polls for the first time in four years, many of them will be uninformed. Danburg must match May sign for sign, ad for ad, if not billboard for billboard, as long as the money in the expensive race holds out. That is why, the week before the election, District 79 residents will see an explosion of Danburg signs to match all those Mays. Enter the Houston police. No sign may be put on public property, the area between sidewalk and street. And no sign may be affixed to property belonging to Houston Lighting and Power. The Light Company merits a lot of attention by the police in election years, because their poles are handy places to put placards. The police are promising priority attention to the light poles in the next few weeks — whether they catch any burglars or not — so what is developing is a race not only between May and Danburg, but between supporters putting up the signs and police taking them down. Of course, denying a relatively poor candidate a place to display her name actually favors a richer candidate, but the law impartially declares that both Democrat and Republican are free to take out television advertising, if they wish. Besides the spectacle of the pole galloping, voters in District 79 can enjoy a real choice, between a woman who grasps and works for the principles of the Democratic Party and a man who embodies the attitudes of the Republicans. District 15 State Senator Democrat Jack Ogg is facing Richard Parker, Republican, and Allan Vogel, the Libertarian candidate. Vogel, a decided longshot, believes that a vote for either of the two "major" party candidates is a vote for the status quo and for "the myriad of problems which is the legacy of those two parties." Incumbent Ogg is no stranger to problems. He's not one to indulge in self-pity, but no one seems to appreciate him very much. In the prjmary, opponent Ron Waters charged tiim with being a closet Republican, in the general election his Republican opponent is charging Ogg with being a closet liberal. Ogg has done hand-stands and back-flips to keep his fences mended, including contributing to defeated primary opponent's campaign- debt fund, authoring 200 bills that passed the legislature, and in general, as he says, "working both sides of the rotunda." Some of Ogg's positions, especially on money, are conservative, and he introduced the bill that reinstituted capital punishment. "I am a pro-growth person," Ogg says, "but Houston has developed too rapidly and needs more systematic, orderly planning. The city's two most pressing problems are traffic congestion and scarcity of parks and recreation resources, and I can do something about it in the legislature." Ogg is rather liberal when it comes to environmental and recreational issues. He successfully supported bills which helped establish Guadalupe Peaks National Park, and he insisted that toxic wastes should be moved out of ecologically sensitive areas, such as the entire Gulf Coast. "Toxic wastes," he says, "should only be disposed in the safest, most isolated places, not susceptable to flooding and removed from major population centers." His position on the pressing issue of education in Texas has been that the state should remain committed to quality education by using funding instead of busing within the local school districts where needed. Local district enrichment, both with money and learning resources, he suggests would solve emerging problems. Ogg's flexibility, despite his eight-year tenure in office and all his political arrangments, has become the main issue in the race. It is the one possible area of vulnerability. At the same time a folksy, door-to-door campaign, a la Mays, zeroes in on urban deterioration in Montrose and Heights areas, conservative fiscal approaches and crime control, reach the more affluent out-pieces of far-flung District 15. Parker is strategically placed to pick up a little inner city support, despite his conservatism. He lives in the Montrose and lets it be known in his campaign literature that he is active in the Bering Avenue Methodist Church on Harold. He is Kinkaid and European educated, John Tower's former assistant, a William Buckley kind of Republican. Parker has been able to run against Austin despite the Republican governor and even against City Hall, despite only indirect state legislative influence there because the rapid fa Ming-apart of Houston has alarmed voters. Even Lynn Ashby wrote an unusually serious column about the city's decay. Parker says, "Streets don't have to go unrepaired. Vacant lots don't have to be overgrown hazards. Installation of stop lights or traffic signs doesn't have to take forever. Some things get done by the city, others by the county, and still others by the state or any one of dozens of different agencies. And no one has ever tried to coordinate it all." His solution calls for neighborhood councils, which sound like the civic improvement associations already in place in many areas (as Ogg points out) which would be polite ACORN units, or TMO groups without the pushing and shoving. Ogg's office points out, as well, that Parker is both simplifying and confusing the issues in the election with his insistence on city problems. "A question of jurisdiction exists," says one Ogg worker, "about a specific stop light or vacant lot— what is Parker going to do, pass a law about every stop sign? Can our grass be legislated at two inches or four?" But because the issue is popular, and because Parker can appeal to a few inner city people by his presence, and *to suburbanites about Ogg's suspected liberalism—and because the followers of Ron Waters have a sour taste in their mouth about the incumbent State Senator—the race could be close. NOVEMBER 1980 17