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Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 10, October 1956
File 033
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Facts Forum. Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 10, October 1956 - File 033. 1956-10. University of Houston Libraries. University of Houston Digital Library. Web. September 21, 2017. http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/1609/show/1572.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum. (1956-10). Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 10, October 1956 - File 033. Facts Forum News, 1955-1956. University of Houston Libraries. Retrieved from http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/1609/show/1572

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

Facts Forum, Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 10, October 1956 - File 033, 1956-10, Facts Forum News, 1955-1956, University of Houston Libraries, accessed September 21, 2017, http://digital.lib.uh.edu/collection/1352973/item/1609/show/1572.

Disclaimer: This is a general citation for reference purposes. Please consult the most recent edition of your style manual for the proper formatting of the type of source you are citing. If the date given in the citation does not match the date on the digital item, use the more accurate date below the digital item.

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Title Facts Forum News, Vol. 5, No. 10, October 1956
Series Title Facts Forum News
Creator
  • Facts Forum
Publisher Facts Forum
Date October 1956
Language eng
Subject
  • Anti-communist movements
  • Conservatism
  • Politics and government
  • Hunt, H. L.
Place
  • Dallas, Texas
Genre
  • journals (periodicals)
Type
  • Text
Identifier AP2.F146 v. 5 1956; OCLC: 1352973
Collection
  • University of Houston Libraries Special Collections
  • Energy & Sustainability Research Collection
Rights No Copyright - United States: This item is in the public domain in the United States and may be used freely in the United States. The item may not be in the public domain under the copyright laws of other countries.
Item Description
Title File 033
Transcript ia, also all pi amps. In slid is of perso inainent plai , including t i, was Stali g. It was hi-:i 'parat. An louble c-onti d see-ret pol ind Air Fore rat Proper iii.in author! transportarJi ion. e-dueatii -of as were | >U; headed -all boss, w> 1 preferred ieria. Bulgai lalenkov, sto iols of his d' viewing sta' ire Lenin M- he- annivers' reoruaiiizat1 an inere.isi' i and in p1 class, with i :nt ancl ta if the masse* 1924-38) S« thus transformed a party of limited dictatorship into an unlimited, absolute dictatorship. There emerged under the Party's label a police state, in essentials similar to the Nazi State under Hitler. In short, communism, with the cunning and ruthless assist of a Stalin, was revealed as being fully as totalitarian as fascism. History also discloses that the managerial class comes to power led In- totalitarian or semi-totalitarian political elites. Tbe managerial class, not owning the enterprises they serve, exert their power through the State. They are not necessarily a revolutionary class, but may become so. A revolutionary political elite, Communist or Fascist, may use the "underprivileged" as political cannon fodder to rise to power, but cannot rule without the managerial class. In the first stages of tlie Managerial Revolution, the totalitarian system of government apparently agrees with the interests of the "managerials." The 1936 "Stalin Constitution" appeared to guarantee certain rights to "organized" individuals, and to express a desire toward stabilization of the newly-privileged managerial class. Stalinism Marches On But Stalin, after he hael led the managerial class to victory over all other classes, was not satisfied to be merely their leader; he wanted to be absolute master. The' purges which followed Completed the annihilation of the "Old Bolsheviks" ancl cut deeply into the ranks of tbe managerials. thus antagonizing all classes. Abysmal hatred of Stalin was expressed by the millions in concentration camps, by tbe huge mass desertions during World War II, and finally by the unanimous repudiation of Stalin at the Twentieth Congress of the .Soviet Communist Party. As already indicated, Marxism-Leninism as an opposition theory served effectively as a guide to Communist action. Lenin's special contribution (with help from Trotsky) was as the- Party's political engineer in the struggle for power. After Lenin's death (192.3) ancl Trotsky's e-xile (1927), Stalin became the guide-. Although forever quoting Marxist-Leninist scrip- hire, he actually had to find his own Way, having little if any precedent. Civil war in Russia came to an end Only in 1921. Stalin was in actual Power for twenty-eight years, until his death in 1953. Nearly all the technique and strategy which the present leaders (his former lieutenants) know, they learned from Stalin. The open denunciation of Stalin may prod them to a new start, but the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party gives no such encouragement. From its proceedings the following points are clear: 1. The Congress was run Stalinist fashion, all decisions being handed down from the top ancl without dissent "unanimously" adopted by the delegates. Fear of "heretical" dissent still dominates, just as in Stalin's time. 2. Despite perennial food shortages, Stalin's war-like policies against the peasants continue; are even worse. 3. Concentration on heavy armament industry ancl modern military hardware is not lessened, although supplies of civilian goods are long overdue. 4. Except for some deceptive maneuvering toward the outside (coexistence, etc.), the cold war con- tiniies ancl intensifies. Even Stalin's voodooistic methods of encouraging critic-ism and then punishing anel liquidating the critics are unabated. The "new" leaders "pulled a Stalin" on the late Beria. head of OGPU, ancl then proceeded to purge thousands of alleged "Beria men," including members of the Central Committee of the Party. A purge of "Stalin men" was begun some months ago and is now gaining momentum, both within anel without the Soviet Union. Thus Stalin's dictum that "the best critic is a dead one" still prevails. Real Reforms Needed If tlie present temporary successors to Stalin were shoved aside or should yield to the heavy anti-Stalinist pressures from below, there would be not a mere reburying of a dead man, but the- burial of all things Stalin stood for. The following reforms would come: 1. A switch from concentration on heavy to light industry, in order to provide civilian goods ancl raise the standard of living. 2. Relaxing of agrarian policy by abolishing compulsory collectivization, thus increasing the food supply for the cities. 3. Demilitarization of the Communist Party and adoption of civil rights inside and outside the Party. 4. Abolition of all slave labor camps. 5. Abolition of the entire apparat (colleges, training centers, publishing October, J" Facts Forum News, October, 1956 houses, organizing ancl communication centers, subsidies, etc.) aimed at demoralization, subversion, and disruption of foreign countries. 6. Withdrawal of Soviet control from the satellite countries. 7. Relaxation of tlie foreign trade monopoly. "Coexistence" Defined Tlie precise indicator of Soviet foreign policy has always been, not the speeches of its leaders, but domestic policy and practice. When, in the mid-thirties, the war against the peasants anel the blood purges had debilitated Russia, Stalin tried to secure an alliance with the democratic West against Hitler, and advocated the so-called popular front. With the West "on the hook" and its diplomats waiting in 1939 in Stalin's ante-chambers, the "popular front" went out the window and Stalin made his deal with Hitler. Hitler knew Stalin's weakness and attacked after France's defeat in 1941, with bis armies knifing through Russia as if it were soft butter. The help of America saved Stalin, and the popular front was reborn as a "patriotic front." Now, we have an entirely different situation. During the last decade the Kremlin has raced to build militarily fast enough to take over the wrecked capitalisms of Europe and Asia, but has had to move forward deceptively in face of atom-powered America. The death of Stalin and the problems of succession have aggravated the perennially-bad interna] situation in Russia. Except for militarized manpower and some conventional arms, the West lias the edge on the Soviet bloc, technologically and economically. Moreover, the West's momentum appears to be on the upswing. From a Soviet point of view a "pause" of some years is necessary to catch up and consolidate internally, and to give the China sector time to build up power in at least conventional arms and other needed facilities. The "pause" is to be utilized for "operation infiltration" on a scale never before attempted. This idea was put forward in one of the "Stalin Resolutions" at the Nineteenth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party in 1952, but has gained cruising speed only recently. Their purpose is to use for propaganda the "contradictions of capitalism" not primarily in the (Continued on pane 38) Page 31
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